Politics
of the Unconscious
Dimitri
Orlov
24
July, 2012
Across
the US flags are flying at half-mast in honor of the twelve people
killed and 58 injured by James Holmes during the midnight premiere of
the new Batman movie “The Dark Knight Rises” in Aurora, Colorado.
Meanwhile, Norway is commemorating the 69 people shot dead by Andras
Brevik at the Labor Party youth camp on Utoya Island a year ago.
Norway's Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg said that Brevik “brought
Norwegians together in defense of democracy and tolerance.” Unlike
the much higher civilian death counts coming out of places such as
Afghanistan, such events never fail to shock us. We are fine with
intercommunal violence, and happy to call it a “war.” In fact,
the ability to kill people with impunity in remote corners of the
planet makes us feel stronger and safer. But intracommunal violence
shocks us, because it compromises our sense of safety.
Here
is a question for Minister Stoltenberg: Do appeals to (and
enforcement of) tolerance make repeats of such incidents more
frequent or less frequent, and, if so, why? (By the way, if your
elected leader doesn't thoughtfully respond to your thoughtful
questions, then you are not living in a democracy.) In his book
Violence (Macmillan, 2010) Slavoj Žižek writes: “European
civilization finds it easier to tolerate different ways of life
precisely on account of what its critics usually denounce as its
weakness and failure, namely the alienation of social life. One of
the things alienation means is that distance is woven into the very
social texture of everyday life. Even if I live side by side with
others, in my normal state I ignore them. [...] Perhaps the lesson to
be learned is that sometimes a dose of alienation is indispensable
for peaceful coexistence. Sometimes alienation is not a problem but a
solution.” (p. 59, my italics)
But
the rest of the time alienation is a problem. Politics serves several
functions. There are the technocratic functions of governance, of
formulating and enacting policies and of maintaining order. And then
there is the psychological function of making people feel that they
belong. Among groups with a strong ethnic, religious or regional
identification the sense of belonging can sometimes be internally
generated and remain independent of the government, or governments.
At other times the people and the government become dangerously
decoupled: “I love my country but I hate its government” is
something you might hear from a Russian, or an American, or a Syrian,
or an Israeli...
The
need to belong is always there, and, when frustrated, leads to dire
consequences. To belong is to feel included among those with whom one
can strongly identify: conversely, the ability to belong presupposes
the ability to exclude those who do not belong. A society that is
sufficiently alienated to be tolerant of institutions that are
incompatible and irreconcilable (gay/interracial marriage plus Sharia
law plus white supremacism equals zero) is no longer able to succeed
at the essential task of excluding those who do not belong. If you
are Norwegian, the country is Norway, and you are now forced to
accept that people who are not the tiniest bit Norwegian belong just
as much as you do, then, depending on your psychological make-up, you
may or may not end up with a major psychological problem, and do your
flawed yet heroic best to pass it on to the country as a whole. This
is a problem faced all over Europe: an aging, shrinking native
population living within an increasingly globalized, generic culture
dominated by English and an influx of immigrants, migrants and
refugees all add up to a deteriorating sense of belonging.
In
the United States the problem is significantly worse. Here, there is
no unique national language, no single ethnic, historical or cultural
identity, and the nation as a whole is a synthetic entity—the
result of an explicit political pact. We are expected to derive our
sense of belonging from our inclusion in a set of impersonal public
institutions and participation in a scripted political process. But
in spite of what our handlers in politics and the media tell us, our
gut sense is that these public institutions do not belong to us, and
that the political process is one of manipulation rather than
inclusion. Many of us know full well that we live in a kleptocracy
that prioritizes international financial interests and the interests
of a small, privileged rentier class above all else. More and more of
us are being excluded—based on our inability to pay for a
middle-class lifestyle.
Where
do we belong, then? With the Republicans/Democrats? Looking at the
current presidential contest, in one corner we have a wealthy Mormon
aristocrat posing as a self-made man, while in the other corner we
have an exotic product of the American academe posing as a man of the
people and, because he randomly happens to be brown-skinned, as a
champion of the children of former slaves. Both are, in fact,
faithful servants of financial interests, many of them transnational
or foreign. Both will maintain the power of the center at the cost of
the periphery, and extend the milking, the bleeding and the fleecing
of the people for as long as possible. Meanwhile, the US Congress
performs a sadomasochistic folie à deux on behalf of their corporate
sponsors. Only 17% of the people approve of their performance. Such a
high number is perhaps explained by the fact that roughly 20% of
Americans are mentally ill. (Even so, it would appear that a few
percent of the mentally ill are insufficiently delusional to approve
of congressional performance.) The people as a whole, sane or
otherwise, may be forgiven for thinking that they don't belong, and
for acting accordingly.
Inability
to maintain a psychologically healthy sense of belonging gives rise
to a certain consistent syndrome, first described by Wilfred Bion in
Experiences in Groups and Other Papers (New York: Basic Books 1961).
When the dominant culture fails to produce a sense of belonging, the
human mind regresses to a pre-verbal state, where it is ruled by
innate, subconscious impulses that are common to higher social
animals. Depending on one's personality and situation, one or another
of three major impulses described by Bion may come to dominate the
behavior of the individual, and, in due course, the society as a
whole.
When
it comes to aggressive young males, the sense of disconnection
produces in them a heightened sense of insecurity and anxiety which
directly affects the sympathetic nervous system. This may cause an
animal to behave more aggressively, or, in the case of the human
animal, to gather rocks and to find and sharpen sticks, or,
technology and finances allowing, to purchase semiautomatic assault
weapons and lots of ammunition. This process may then progress
through several stages. The end result is the spontaneous development
of a warrior mentality—a cultural universal marked by a desire to
prove oneself in battle, contempt for death, and a tendency toward
what Emile Durkheim called “altruistic suicide.”
The
pattern is the same among Homeric heroes, Mongol conquerers, Japanese
samurai, European knights of the age of chivalry or Moscow's bandits
and racketeers during the violent 1990s. Meaning is created out of
meaninglessness through heroic acts of violence performed in keeping
with a code of honor. Inclusion in the elite group is achieved via
violent rites of passage and creates group loyalty and a sense of
belonging. The gun cult in the United States is a strong precursor to
this development, and the sporadic shooting sprees are its individual
manifestations. This may at some point progress to the point of
becoming a mass phenomenon. If it does, it will annihilate the
current ruling class and the process of aristocratic formation will
begin anew.
Another
subconscious impulse takes over the minds of those who feel
themselves to be weak and vulnerable. Here the subconscious urge is
an infantile desire to find and cling to a strong, lord-like father
figure. In the United States, this impulse finds its expression in
widespread adherence to organized religion with its invisible yet
omnipotent leader. The illusion of serving the leader, together with
the conviction that all that happens is in accordance with the
leader's inscrutable will, helps to reduce the anxiety that is born
of helplessness and alienation. Rhetorical or physical attacks on
those who refuse to follow one's chosen divine leader offer a way to
exclude those who do not belong, and to create a sense of solidarity,
loyalty and belonging.
Lastly,
there is a third subconscious impulse which has its roots in primate
psychology, one that predominantly affects women: the impulse to
ingratiate oneself into an imaginary group of superior individuals as
a beta-female (or, in particularly sad cases, as a beta-male) in
order to gain a sense of belonging. It manifests itself in the
expectation of the emergence of something wonderful yet unborn, that
will be the result of a successful mating between an alpha-male and
an alpha-female. It finds its expression in the celebrity cult, via
television programs and tabloids sold at supermarket check-out
counters. Lower-class women follow with great interest the antics of
the rich and famous: who is getting married, who is getting a
divorce, and most importantly, who is pregnant, because, you see, one
of these siliconed, Botoxed bimbos will one day give birth to our new
Savior. Their sense of belonging, such as it is, comes from
vicariously participating in the lives of people they consider their
betters.
It
is notable how smoothly the three impulses have repeatedly combined
throughout history. In act one, our hero takes up arms against all
who wish to oppose him and triumphs in battle; others eagerly fall in
under his banner. In act two, our hero undergoes an instant and
spontaneous metamorphosis from a rampaging bandit to an anointed
sovereign and the people cheer and shout “Hail Cæsar!”
Optionally, the bandit is deified and temples are erected in his
honor at great public expense. In act three, the anointed bandit
takes a bride, and women throw flowers at their feet as they walk in
procession, and await with eager anticipation the arrival of their
sacred progeny. In act four, the bandit dies and his degenerate,
bickering progeny swiftly destroys the people's sense of belonging.
The progeny is then butchered by the next hero/bandit, and the cycle
repeats.
The
United States may not yet be quite at the bottom of this cycle, but
notice how the three ingredients are already in place and looming
large over the political landscape. The gun cult is massive and
unstoppable, and we have regular shooting sprees that shock us but
also inspire copycats eager to outdo the last heinous deed in death
toll and shock value. Religion is a huge part of public life, and
after each shooting spree Americans head to a church and pray for
deliverance to an omnipotent yet invisible father figure. After the
effect of the shooting spree wears off, they go right back to
celebrity worship, watching the antics of the Kardashians and keeping
track of which celeb is preggers with what other celeb's baby. It
seems like this whole thing going according to a plan—the whole
three-car train is on rails and rolling downhill on its own.
Here
is a quote from the last Batman movie: “Some people just want to
watch the world burn.” I don't; but how do you suppose anyone can
stop this? It started before we were born, and it will end long after
were are dead. Maybe we are supposed to just watch.
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