Worst-Case Scenario for Oil Sands Industry Has Come to Life, Leaked Document Shows
Industry consultants said anti-tar sands push could become 'the most significant environmental campaign of the decade' if activists were left unopposed.
By
Katherine Bagley, InsideClimate News
5
December, 2013
As
environmentalists began ratcheting up pressure against Canada's tar
sands three years ago, one of the world's biggest strategic
consulting firms was tapped to help the North American oil industry
figure out how to handle the mounting activism. The resulting
document, published online by WikiLeaks, offers another window into
how oil and gas companies have been scrambling to deal with
unrelenting opposition to their growth plans.
The
document identifies nearly two-dozen environmental organizations
leading the anti-oil sands movement and puts them into four
categories: radicals, idealists, realists and opportunists—with
how-to's for managing each. It also reveals that the worst-case
scenario presented to industry about the movement's growing influence
seems to have come to life.
The
December 2010 presentation by Strategic Forecasting, or Stratfor, a
global intelligence firm based in Texas, mostly advised oil sands
companies to ignore or limit reaction to the then-burgeoning tar
sands opposition movement because "activists lack influence in
politics." But there was a buried warning for industry under one
scenario: Letting the movement grow unopposed may bring about "the
most significant environmental campaign of the decade."
"This
worst-case scenario is exactly what has happened," partly
because opposition to tar sands development has expanded beyond
nonprofit groups to include individual activists concerned about
climate change, said Mark Floegel, a senior investigator for
Greenpeace. "The more people in America see Superstorm Sandys or
tornadoes in Chicago, the more they are waking up and joining the
fight."
Since
the presentation was prepared, civil disobedience and protests
against the tar sands have sprung up from coast to coast. The
movement has helped delay President Obama's decision on the Keystone
XL pipeline—designed to funnel Canada's landlocked oil sands crude
to refineries on the Gulf Coast—and has held up another contentious
pipeline in Canada, the Northern Gateway to the Pacific Coast.
The
Power Point document, titled "Oil Sands Market Campaigns,"
was recently made public by WikiLeaks, part of a larger release of
hacked files from Stratfor, whose clients include the Departments of
Homeland Security and Defense, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon and the
American Petroleum Institute, the oil industry lobby. It appears to
have been created for Calgary-based petroleum giant Suncor Energy,
Canada's largest oil sands producer.
The
company told InsideClimate News that it did not hire Stratfor and
never saw such a presentation. Suncor is mentioned 11 times in the
document's 35 pages and all of Stratfor's advice seems to be directed
at the energy company. For example, one slide says, "Campaign
ends quickly with a resolution along the lines Suncor had wanted."
In several emails released by WikiLeaks, Stratfor employees discuss a
$14,890 payment Suncor owes the company for two completed projects,
though no details were provided.
The
presentation is the latest in a series of revelations that suggest
energy companies—which for most of their history seemed unfazed by
activists—have been looking for ways to dilute environmentalists'
growing influence.
Earlier
this year, TransCanada, the Canadian energy company behind the
Keystone XL, briefed Nebraska law enforcement authorities on how to
prosecute demonstrators protesting the 1,200-mile project. In 2011,
Range Resources, an oil and gas company, allegedly hired combat
veterans with experience in psychological warfare to squash
opposition of natural gas drilling.
"The
Stratfor presentation isn't a complete surprise," said Scott
Parkin, a senior campaigner for the Rainforest Action Network and
volunteer organizer for Rising Tide North America, both grassroots
environmental groups. "As opposition has grown, coal, oil and
gas companies are all starting to put more money into responding—from
surveillance to protection to public relations."
For
each of Stratfor's categories of environmental activist—radicals,
idealists, realists and opportunists—the presentation explains how
their campaigns are structured and how the fossil fuel industry could
deal with them.
Three
grassroots organizations—Rising Tide North America, Oil Change
International and the Indigenous Environmental Network—were labeled
radicals. Greenpeace and the Rainforest Action Network were
classified as a cross between radicals and idealists. Sierra Club,
the nation's largest environmental group, Amnesty International and
Communities for a Better Environment, among others, were labeled
idealists. Several mainstream environmental groups, including the
National Wildlife Federation, World Wildlife Fund, Natural Resources
Defense Council and Ceres, a nonprofit that organizes businesses,
investors and public interest groups, were called realists.
It
then lays out tactics the groups would use to push for change. They
include holding demonstrations outside annual meetings and marketing
events, generating fear of oil spills and other environmental
disasters, targeting CEOs and their families, collaborating with
other green groups, and splitting the fossil fuel industry on the
issue by praising companies working with activists and publicly
shaming those that aren't.
The
presentation says that while environmental groups are publicly
fighting to stop the expansion of the oil sands, their "real
demand" is for fossil fuel companies to adopt a "global
code of conduct"—a set of best practices not required by law,
but that take into consideration things like greenhouse gas reduction
policies and human rights.
The
Power Point also describes all the ways fossil fuel companies like
Suncor could choose to react to green groups' campaigns, such as
limiting contact with the organizations, intentionally delaying
negotiations, developing its own environmental initiatives to
overshadow activists' demands, or simply not responding. It provides
the pros and cons of each public relations decision, as well as the
best- and worst-case outcomes for each.
For
example, Stratfor said that choosing not to respond could be useful
because in 2010, "activists are not stopping oil sands' growth
and they have no power in Alberta or Ottawa. Chance of success with
U.S. government is slim." The best outcome from a no-response
strategy, according to the presentation, is that green "groups
move to fracturing [natural gas fracking] or some other venue to
press for the first major code of conduct."
Stratfor
would not answer questions about the presentation because it has a
policy not to comment on any of the WikiLeaks documents.
Several
environmental groups named in the Stratfor presentation said they
weren't surprised by the consulting firm's assessment of their work,
but were disappointed, especially by its assumption that all they
wanted was a code of conduct.
"The
environmental community has been very united in saying that we need
to stop tar sands expansion and clean up the mess already made
there," said Susan Casey-Lefkowitz, director of the Natural
Resources Defense Council's international program. "That's the
only real path forward if we're going to protect not only the health
of communities on the ground in the boreal forests near the tar sands
region, but also around the world from the impacts of climate change.
We're not looking for a code of conduct."
For
many, the leaked presentation provided proof that their work was
having an impact, boosting their confidence to keep protesting.
"Knowing
that groups like Stratfor are targeting us, surveying us, and also
analyzing us shows how powerful these movements have become,"
said Parkin of the Rainforest Action Network and Rising Tide North
America. "Obviously this wasn't meant for public consumption,
but this doesn't intimidate us. If anything, it emboldens us. It
encourages us to push harder."
For
original document GO HERE
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