Jonathan
Steele is one of the few respoectable journalists left at the
Guardian, it seems.
Most
Syrians back President Assad, but you'd never know from western media
Assad's
popularity, Arab League observers, US military involvement: all
distorted in the west's propaganda war
Jonathan
Steele
1
October, 2016
Suppose
a respectable opinion poll found that most Syrians are in favour of
Bashar al-Assad remaining as president, would that not be major news?
Especially as the finding would go against the dominant narrative
about the Syrian crisis, and the media considers the unexpected more
newsworthy than the obvious.
Alas,
not in every case. When coverage of an unfolding drama ceases to be
fair and turns into a propaganda weapon, inconvenient facts get
suppressed. So it is with the results of a recent YouGov Siraj poll
on Syria commissioned by The Doha Debates, funded by the Qatar
Foundation. Qatar's royal family has taken one of the most hawkish
lines against Assad – the emir has just called for Arab troops to
intervene – so it was good that The Doha Debates published the poll
on its website. The pity is that it was ignored by almost all media
outlets in every western country whose government has called for
Assad to go.
The
key finding was that while most Arabs outside Syria feel the
president should resign, attitudes in the country are different. Some
55% of Syrians want Assad to stay, motivated by fear of civil war –
a spectre that is not theoretical as it is for those who live outside
Syria's borders. What is less good news for the Assad regime is that
the poll also found that half the Syrians who accept him staying in
power believe he must usher in free elections in the near future.
Assad claims he is about to do that, a point he has repeated in his
latest speeches. But it is vital that he publishes the election law
as soon as possible, permits political parties and makes a commitment
to allow independent monitors to watch the poll.
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Biased
media coverage also continues to distort the Arab League's observer
mission in Syria. When the league endorsed a no-fly zone in Libya
last spring, there was high praise in the west for its action. Its
decision to mediate in Syria was less welcome to western governments,
and to high-profile Syrian opposition groups, who increasingly
support a military rather than a political solution. So the league's
move was promptly called into doubt by western leaders, and most
western media echoed the line. Attacks were launched on the
credentials of the mission's Sudanese chairman. Criticisms of the
mission's performance by one of its 165 members were headlined.
Demands were made that the mission pull out in favour of UN
intervention.
The
critics presumably feared that the Arab observers would report that
armed violence is no longer confined to the regime's forces, and the
image of peaceful protests brutally suppressed by army and police is
false. Homs and a few other Syrian cities are becoming like Beirut in
the 1980s or Sarajevo in the 1990s, with battles between militias
raging across sectarian and ethnic fault lines.
As
for foreign military intervention, it has already started. It is not
following the Libyan pattern since Russia and China are furious at
the west's deception in the security council last year. They will not
accept a new United Nations resolution that allows any use of force.
The model is an older one, going back to the era of the cold war,
before "humanitarian intervention" and the "responsibility
to protect" were developed and often misused. Remember Ronald
Reagan's support for the Contras, whom he armed and trained to try to
topple Nicaragua's Sandinistas from bases in Honduras? For Honduras
read Turkey, the safe haven where the so-called Free Syrian Army has
set up.
Here
too western media silence is dramatic. No reporters have followed up
on a significant recent article by Philip Giraldi, a former CIA
officer who now writes for the American Conservative – a magazine
that criticises the American military-industrial complex from a
non-neocon position on the lines of Ron Paul, who came second in last
week's New Hampshire Republican primary. Giraldi states that Turkey,
a Nato member, has become Washington's proxy and that unmarked Nato
warplanes have been arriving at Iskenderum, near the Syrian border,
delivering Libyan volunteers and weapons seized from the late Muammar
Gaddafi's arsenal. "French and British special forces trainers
are on the ground," he writes, "assisting the Syrian
rebels, while the CIA and US Spec Ops are providing communications
equipment and intelligence to assist the rebel cause, enabling the
fighters to avoid concentrations of Syrian soldiers …"
As
the danger of full-scale war increases, Arab League foreign ministers
are preparing to meet in Cairo this weekend to discuss the future of
their Syrian mission. No doubt there will be western media reports
highlighting remarks by those ministers who feel the mission has
"lost credibility", "been duped by the regime" or
"failed to stop the violence". Counter-arguments will be
played down or suppressed.
In
spite of the provocations from all sides the league should stand its
ground. Its mission in Syria has seen peaceful demonstrations both
for and against the regime. It has witnessed, and in some cases
suffered from, violence by opposing forces. But it has not yet had
enough time or a large enough team to talk to a comprehensive range
of Syrian actors and then come up with a clear set of
recommendations. Above all, it has not even started to fulfil that
part of its mandate requiring it to help produce a dialogue between
the regime and its critics. The mission needs to stay in Syria and
not be bullied out.
Zbigniew
Brzezinski:
Assad has more support than any group
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