Brexit: Russia's Comfort Level Rises, US Loses Eurasian Plot
27
June, 2016
If there is a tide in the
affairs of men, as Brutus said in William Shakespeare’s play Julius
Caesar, it
must be the same in the affairs of nations, too.
Less than a week ago, the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization was creeping toward the borders of
Russia and relentlessly provoking it, but the tide abruptly turned on
Friday. Eurasian politics will never be the same again after Brexit.
Only last
Wednesday, while addressing the Russian Duma in Moscow, President
Vladimir Putin took Russia’s political elites into confidence that
the nation was facing once again a menace on its borders similar to
the Nazi invasion exactly 75 years ago.
However, two days later
in Tashkent, Putin spoke calmly and in a detached tone, when asked
for his reaction to Brexit. But he hintedhe
is insightful enough to recognize the opportunity brought up by
fate. Putin
said:
- Brexit will have “consequences” for both Britain and Europe as a whole and will inevitably have “global effects… both positive and negative”;
- “Time will tell whether there will be more pluses or minuses”;
- Brexit will impact market and currencies, but a “global upheaval” is unlikely;
- Apropos sanctions against Russia, if EU countries are ready for “constructive dialogue,” Moscow will be “not only ready – we seek it and we will respond positively to positive initiatives”;
- Having said that, Russia has limits since the onus on the implementation of the Minsk accord on Ukraine lies with Kiev and “without them, we can do nothing.”
Putin had most recently
visited Greece, an EU country closest to Russia. Significantly, in
the words of the Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, Brexit
“confirms a deep political crisis, an identity crisis and a crisis
in the European strategy.”
This would also be
echoing the broad swathe of Russian opinion.
The Russian
commentators on the whole feel elated that the Brexit vote will
inexorably lead to a weakening of the EU sanctions. Indeed,
they expect a significant improvement in Russia’s relations with
Britain.
London is a favorite
playpen of Russian oligarchs and Moscow elites. Boris Johnson,
the UK’s most likely post-Brexit prime minister, has been a
vocal supporter of warm relations with Russia, and the Moscow elites
regard him to be an unusual politician who has no cold war mentality
and even more interestingly, has no foreign policy mentality, either.
Clearly, the
surmise among the Russian analysts is that Washington will be
hard-pressed to impose its trans-Atlantic leadership in the same
manner it used to,
and the EU itself will be probably unable to reach a consensus on
extending the sanctions against Russia beyond the end of the year.
These are Russia’s best best.
However,
Putin’s cautious words suggest that Moscow will keep its fingers
crossed as to how Washington could afford to permit Brexit to be
taken to its logical conclusion and simply allow the British people
to leave the EU. Quite obviously, Putin neatly sidestepped any talk
of European disintegration.
On the other hand, Moscow
cannot be unaware that Euroskepticism is a pervasive phenomenon in
Europe. If
Brexit has a ‘domino effect’ and sets in motion referenda in
other European countries as well, the unthinkable may happen. Even
otherwise, the Euroskeptic groups in Europe have already strengthened
their standing. Either way, while George Soros wrote in the weekend
that the disintegration of the EU has become “practically
irreversible,” he may have a point.
Clearly, there are
question marks over Britain’s own survival. Russia
stands to benefit here, too, because Britain has been traditionally
not only the charioteer of US interests in Europe but also been an
‘arbiter’ of sorts within the EU, a role where it is
irreplaceable.
In the face
of mounting pressure from the West, Moscow lately began focusing on
expanding its influence and consolidating its leadership in
Eurasia. At
the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum a week ago, Putin
unveiled a Greater Eurasia project. All indications are that this
also was a key agenda item for discussions with the Chinese
leadership during his visit to Beijing in the weekend.
Putin visualizes a grand
partnership within the ambit of the Greater Eurasia plan, involving
Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), China and, possibly, India
and Iran – effectively expanding the ‘post-Soviet space’ toward
East, West and South Asian directions.
Putin’s
Greater Eurasia vision has three templates – security, common
market and internal governance. The
Russian intention seems to be to bring the cascading Chinese
influence in the Eurasian space to be brought under negotiation
within a multilateral format, especially China’s One Belt One Road
initiative.
But China is unlikely to
agree. China has had a field day as tensions began rising between
Russia and the West under the shadow of the NATO build-up. But with
Brexit, the power dynamic in Eurasia may be about to change
dramatically in Russia’s favor.
Arguably, Brexit
eases the pressure on Russia from the West and
provides it with the respite to pay greater attention to the reality
that in the recent years, China has been steadily expanding its
influence in Eurasia – not only in Central Asia but also in the
Balkans and Central Europe.
What matters most for
Moscow will be whether Brexit will arrest the recent trend,
encouraged in no small measure by Washington,toward
militarization of Europe. The
upcoming NATO summit in Warsaw (July 8-9) will now be taking place
under the shadow of Brexit.
It may be a
harbinger of things to come that Bulgaria and Romania last week
voiced opposition to the idea of a NATO fleet in the Black Sea. The
Bulgarian prime minister Boiko Borisov said on Thursday with a touch
of sarcasm that the Black Sea should be a place where yachts and
large boats filled with tourists sail rather than being a military
arena.
Practical cooperation
within the alliance may continue in the near term. But it remains to
be seen how far Washington will succeed in keeping the European mind
trained on the highly contrived thesis of Russia being a revisionist
state that has put military mobilization at the center of its
strategic thinking.
Brexit poses
questions for NATO although the British people have not voted to
leave the alliance. In an insightful commentary, the well-known
‘Russia hand’ at the National Interest magazine Nikolas Gvosdev
noted that Brexit “validates two developing trend lines in
Europe”. Gvosdev
explained:
The first is the hesitation within Western European countries to want to be drawn into conflicts and problems happening on the eastern periphery of the continent or within the post-Soviet space.
The second will be to reawaken the lingering regional split within the alliance, with some members arguing that if NATO had paid much more attention to dealing with the cross-Mediterranean threats to European security, rather than on being drawn into playing geopolitical games in Eurasia, the migration crisis might have been avoided or blunted; and thus one of the key drivers of Brexit might have been neutralized.
The bottom line is that
the EU and NATO are complementary. And Brexit
upholds that national interests prevail over European collective
interests. Without
doubt, Brexit is also, partly at least, a
reflection of the overall weariness in Europe with the continued NATO
expansion eastward.
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