HOW
A SECRETIVE ELITE CREATED THE EU TO BUILD A WORLD GOVERNMENT
13
May, 2016
Voters
in Britain’s referendum need to understand that the European Union
was about building a federal superstate from day one.
As
the debate over the forthcoming EU referendum gears up, it would be
wise perhaps to remember how Britain was led into membership in the
first place. It seems to me that most people have little idea why one
of the victors of the Second World War should have become almost
desperate to join this “club”. That’s a shame, because
answering that question is key to understanding why the EU has gone
so wrong.
Most
students seem to think that Britain was in dire economic straits, and
that the European Economic Community – as it was then called
– provided
an economic engine which could revitalise our economy.
Others seem to believe that after the Second World War Britain needed
to recast her geopolitical position away from empire, and towards a
more realistic one at the heart of Europe. Neither of these
arguments, however, makes any sense at all.
The
EEC in the 1960s and 1970s was in no position to regenerate anyone’s
economy. It spent most of its meagre resources on agriculture and
fisheries and had no means or policies to generate economic growth.
“When we entered the EEC our annual growth rate was a record 7.4 per cent. The present Chancellor would die for such figures”
When
growth did happen, it did not come from the EU. From Ludwig Erhard’s
supply-side reforms in West Germany in 1948 to Thatcher’s
privatisation of nationalised industry in the Eighties,
European growth came from reforms introduced by individual countries
which were were copied elsewhere. EU policy has always been either
irrelevant or positively detrimental (as was the case with the euro).
Nor
did British growth ever really lag behind Europe’s. Sometimes it
surged ahead. In the 1950s Western Europe had a growth rate of 3.5
per cent; in the 1960s, it was 4.5 per cent. But in 1959, when Harold
Macmillan took office, the real annual growth rate of British GDP,
according to the Office of National Statistics, was almost 6 per
cent. It was again almost 6 per cent when de Gaulle vetoed our first
application to join the EEC in 1963.
In
1973, when we entered the EEC, our annual national growth rate in
real terms was a record 7.4 per cent. The present Chancellor would
die for such figures. So the economic basket-case argument doesn’t
work.
What
about geopolitics? What argument in the cold light of hindsight could
have been so compelling as to make us kick our Second-World-War
Commonwealth allies in the teeth to join a combination of Belgium,
the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, Germany and Italy?
Four
of these countries held no international weight whatsoever. Germany
was occupied and divided. France, meanwhile, had lost one colonial
war in Vietnam and another in Algeria. De Gaulle had come to power to
save the country from civil war. Most realists must surely have
regarded these states as a bunch of losers. De Gaulle, himself a
supreme realist, pointed out that Britain had democratic political
institutions, world trade links, cheap food from the Commonwealth,
and was a global power. Why would it want to enter the EEC?
“Harold
Macmillan and his closest advisers were part of an intellectual
tradition that saw the salvation of the world in some form of world
government”
The
answer is that Harold Macmillan and his closest advisers were part of
an intellectual tradition that saw the salvation of the world in some
form of world government based on regional federations. He was also a
close acquaintance of Jean
Monnet, who believed the same.
It was therefore Macmillan who became the representative of the
European federalist movement in the British cabinet.
In
a speech in the House of Commons he even advocated a European Coal
and Steel Community (ECSC) before the real thing had been announced.
He later arranged for a Treaty of Association to be signed between
the UK and the ECSC, and it was he who ensured that a British
representative was sent to the Brussels negotiations following the
Messina Conference, which gave birth to the EEC.
In
the late 1950s he pushed negotiations concerning a European Free
Trade Association towards membership of the EEC. Then, when General
de Gaulle began to turn the EEC into a less federalist body, he took
the risk of submitting a full British membership application in the
hope of frustrating Gaullist ambitions.
His
aim, in alliance with US and European proponents of a federalist
world order, was to frustrate the emerging Franco-German alliance
which was seen as one of French and German nationalism.
The
French statesman Jean Monnet, (1888 – 1979), who in 1956 was
appointed president of the Action Committee for the United States of
Europe
Monnet
met secretly with Heath and Macmillan on innumerable occasions to
facilitate British entry. Indeed, he was informed before the British
Parliament of the terms in which the British approach to Europe would
be framed.
Despite
advice from the Lord Chancellor, Lord Kilmuir, that membership would
mean the end of British parliamentary sovereignty, Macmillan
deliberately misled the House of Commons — and practically everyone
else, from Commonwealth statesmen to cabinet colleagues and the
public — that merely minor commercial negotiations were involved.
He even tried to deceive de Gaulle that he was an anti-federalist and
a close friend who would arrange for France, like Britain, to receive
Polaris missiles from the Americans. De Gaulle saw completely through
him and vetoed the British bid to enter.
Macmillan
left Edward Heath to take matters forward, and Heath, along with
Douglas Hurd, arranged — according to the Monnet papers — for the
Tory Party to become a (secret) corporate member of Monnet’s Action
Committee for a United States of Europe.
According
to Monnet’s
chief aide and biographer, Francois Duchene,
both the Labour and Liberal Parties later did the same. Meanwhile the
Earl of Gosford, one of Macmillan’s foreign policy ministers in the
House of Lords, actually informed the House that the aim of the
government’s foreign policy was world government.
“The Anglo-American establishment was now committed to the creation of a federal United States of Europe”
Monnet’s
Action Committee was
also given financial backing by the CIA
and the US State Department.
The Anglo-American establishment was now committed to the creation of
a federal United States of Europe.
Today,
this is still the case. Powerful international lobbies are already at
work attempting to prove that any return to democratic
self-government on the part of Britain will spell doom. American
officials have already been primed to state that such a Britain would
be excluded from any free trade deal with the USA and that the world
needs the TTIP trade treaty which is predicated on the survival of
the EU.
Fortunately,
Republican candidates in the USA are becoming Eurosceptics and
magazines there like The
National Interest are
publishing the case for Brexit. The international coalition behind
Macmillan and Heath will find things a lot more difficult this time
round — especially given the obvious difficulties of the Eurozone,
the failure of EU migration policy and the lack of any coherent EU
security policy.
Most
importantly, having been fooled once, the British public will be much
more difficult to fool again.
Alan
Sked is the original founder of Ukip and professor of International
History at the London School of Economics. He is presently collecting
material for a book he hopes to publish on Britain’s experience of
the EU
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