Chinese Money Is Backing Putin’s War
The
growing Chinese-Russian alliance is one of the most important
geopolitical developments of the century
Greg Baker/AFP/G
28
January, 2015
After
capturing the long-contested Donetsk airport last week, separatist
forces in eastern Ukraine are now surrounding government troops near
a rail hub in Debaltseve. The militants are advancing in Ukraine, as
President Obama said
on Sunday, “with Russian backing, Russian equipment, Russian
financing, Russian training, and Russian troops.”
Russian
President Vladimir Putin is moving his boundaries to the west, deeper
into Europe. In the south, in the Caucasus, the Russian Federation
this month effectively absorbed South Ossetia, once a part of
Georgia. Last November, Putin swallowed Georgia’s Abkhazia. Less
than a year ago, it annexed Crimea.
Yet
as the willful Russian leader dismantles his neighbors, his economy
is tumbling. The price of oil has collapsed beneath him and
international sanctions have been heaped on top of him. Where does he
find the wherewithal to go on with his quasi-imperial plans?
There’s
a one-word answer: China.
In
recent months China has thrown his economy a lifeline—several of
them in fact.
To
get an idea just how vital Beijing’s assistance has been, let’s
take a look at just how deep the morass is that Putin’s been in.
In
November, Russia’s gross domestic product fell 0.5 percent, the
first decline since October 2009. December, when the numbers are
announced, is bound to be worse. The price of oil is now at six-year
lows—the Brent spot price has dropped by nearly 60 percent in six
months—and oil and gas account for roughly two-thirds of the
country’s exports. This year, the Russian economy may contract
by 10 percent,
and possibly by more. Inflation
could reach 17 percent
this year according to Alexi Vedev, Russia’s deputy economy
minister.
The
ruble has fallen 49 percent against the dollar since the end of 2013.
A plunging currency will make it extremely difficult for the country
to make required annual payments of $100 billion a year on its
foreign debt which amounts to some $600 billion. To defend the
currency, the government has raised interest rates. The benchmark hit
17 percent in the middle of last month. That, by itself, will
eventually choke off economic activity unless it is reduced. But if
it is reduced, the ruble will tumble.
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Russians,
not surprisingly, are pessimistic. There was more than $150
billion of capital flight
last year, more than double the amount in 2013. This year will also
see large amounts hemorrhaging out, but the government is trying to
stop the flow by imposing “informal currency controls,” making it
difficult to convert rubles into dollars. This will deepen the
recession as Russian exporters will not be able to pay for raw
materials from abroad. Because of capital flight, Russia’s foreign
currency reserves fell to $380 billion at year’s end, from $510
billion at the beginning of 2014.
To
make matters worse, Obama on Sunday all but promised more sanctions
on Russia and Europe will almost certainly go along with the push.
Putin, however, is defiant, blaming both Kiev and NATO for the
renewed fighting in Ukraine.
And
China is backing his play.
First
there are a series of oil and gas contracts signed since 2013, signs
of the “energy
alliance”
between the Dragon and the Bear.
These
deals are starting to pay off for Putin. China’s imports of Russian
oil hit an all-time high in November. November’s
record,
however, did not last long. In December, China topped that by
importing
876,000 barrels per day
of Russia’s crude. That was up 86 percent from December 2013.
Thanks
in part to oil and gas sales, total trade volume between China and
Russia increased 6.8 percent to $95.3 billion last year, a record.
Putin says trade
with China will hit $200 billion
in 2020.
That
sounds high, but that’s not all. Beijing apparently has made a
decision to support the Russian economy, come what may. As Shen
Danyang of China’s Ministry of Commerce said
this month, “If there is a need from the Russia side,
China is willing to offer necessary aid within its capacity.” Those remarks echo those of Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s from December and an editorial from the same month in the Communist Party’s Global Times. “Russia is an irreplaceable strategic partner on the international stage,” the paper declared. “China must take a proactive attitude in helping Russia walk out of the current crisis.”
China is willing to offer necessary aid within its capacity.” Those remarks echo those of Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s from December and an editorial from the same month in the Communist Party’s Global Times. “Russia is an irreplaceable strategic partner on the international stage,” the paper declared. “China must take a proactive attitude in helping Russia walk out of the current crisis.”
Those
words are more than just words. In October, Moscow and Beijing
entered into a $24.4 billion currency swap arrangement, effectively
providing Russia liquidity. Chinese Commerce Minister Gao Hucheng has
talked about extending additional help by expanding the swap.
Then
the People’s Bank of China, China’s central bank, on December 26
permitted
the trading of renminbi-ruble derivatives,
facilitating trade between Chinese and Russian companies. China’s
Export-Import Bank did its part by extending credit to two sanctioned
Russian banks. Premier Li Keqiang, in a three-day visit to Moscow in
October, signed 38 deals with the Russians.
Will
that be enough? Li
Jianmin of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
in late December raised the possibility of channeling more aid to
Russia through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization or the BRICS
forum.
Why
is China doing all this? In the Russian strongman, Beijing’s
policymakers see not only someone who shares their general outlook
and a fighter willing to take on Washington, but also a now needy and
therefore pliable junior partner. With America essentially identified
as China’s geopolitical opponent, it is only natural that Beijing
seeks to fortify the Kremlin. The Chinese are “happy to join with
Moscow to expand business in defiance of Washington,” notes
Alexander Salitsky of the Institute of World Economy and
International Relations.
How
close are Moscow and Beijing? Last year, Putin met Xi Jinping,
China’s ruler, five times.
And
what does China get in return? Beijing gets an opportunity to expand
the use of its currency as Russia, targeted by new rounds of
sanctions, is progressively shut out of the dollar-based global
financial system. Chinese leaders dream about their currency being
used around the world in place of the greenback, and Russia’s
moment of need gives them an opportunity to bring Russia into an
expanding renminbi one.
So
Obama and European leaders can pile on all the sanctions they want on
Russia, to “weaponize finance” as some say, but Beijing will be
standing by to help Putin weather the West’s attack.
The
battle between the reigning dollar and the challenger renminbi, the
21st century’s version of the tariff wars of the 1930s, is now
being played out in a new arena, Russia. The Chinese, in the last few
months, have made it clear they are willing to deploy great resources
to this long struggle.
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