US
flag on Ukrainian Security Service building shows who’s in charge
8 December, 2014
The US flag has been planted at the entrance to the main office of the Ukrainian Security Service The Security Service of Ukraine is flying the American flag ahead of the Central Intelligence Agency top officials’ arrival. This practice is alien to any other country in the world.
Natsionalnaya Oborona magazine’s editor-in-chief, Igor Korotchenko, commented on the actions of the Ukrainian Security Service in an interview with our outlet.
According to him, it has always been considered "in bad taste" to hang a foreign flag on the national intelligence building. In doing so, Ukraine is clearly showing that it does not control its security services.
"In
general, the Ukrainian Security Service acts as a junior partner of
US intelligence, and the CIA sets its tasks and priorities,"
said Korotchenko.
I
think this photo says it all: US State secretary Joe Biden in Kiev.
the President of Ukraine.
Two
years of typhoons bring in to stark relief how tenuous the global
food supply has become.
With
abrupt climate change we can expect production levels to crash
because of extreme weather events and changing climate and droughts.
Mass
starvation coming soon and people will only pay attention when it is
white people dying sadly
--Kevin
Hester
Desperate
for revenue, government aims for big asset selloff soon
5
December, 2014
Ukraine’s
government is looking to sell state assets -- which collectively
might produce up to 35 percent of the nation’s gross domestic
product -- to boost an economy mired in recession.
“We
are announcing the biggest privatization in 20 years,” said Prime
Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk. “I think any state-run companies,
holdings and other trash … are ineffective. Their activity is
focused on one thing - stealing the money that’s been received
under state guarantees.”
Yatsenyuk’s
predecessor under the regime of ousted President Viktor Yanukovych,
Mykola Azarov, blocked sales of the biggest state-owned companies,
like Naftogaz, an oil and gas monopoly.
In
August, parliament made a step towards opening up privatization by
allowing foreign companies to rent Ukraine’s gas transportation and
storage system, probably the most interesting part of Naftogaz’s
worth, estimated at up to $35 billion. But the gas sales part will
only become interesting to investors when the state stops forcing
Naftogaz to sell at subsidized prices.
Initially,
privatization plans for this year were huge and included auctioning
of 190 companies and 130 real estate properties. But most of them
were never sold because Russia’s war made investors unwilling to
buy anything in Ukraine. Therefore, the Cabinet’s intention to
raise $1.8 billion through privatization fell ridiculously short –
raising only $3.6 million as of early November.
However,
the proposed sale list never included government-owned Ukreximbank
and Oshchadbank, the country’s second and third biggest banks,
respectively. It never included Ukrzaliznytsya,
the railway monopoly, orUkrposhta,
a postal service that’s losing its positions on the market due to
the inability to catch up with the intensive growth of the e-commerce
industry.
But
some deals have already been completed, despite the drop in price for
Ukrainian companies. The index of Ukrainian Exchange, the country’s
major equity trade platform suffering from low liquidity, fell by 21
percent amid tension in the east after reaching this year high on
July 30. Index reflects the price of Ukraine-based business assets.
On
Nov. 25, the State Property Fund sold 25 percent stake in
Zakarpattyaoblenergo, which owns three hydroelectric power plants in
western Ukraine, to a group that has been traced to Yanukovych fomer
ally and incumbent lawmaker Sergiy Lyovochkin, for some $15.9
million. Dnipropetrovsk governor Igor Kolomoisky’s Business Invest
lost an auction competition to Favoryt, a financial company in Kyiv
that is believed to be a part of Lyovochkin’s joint business with
other partners.
Denys
Sakva, an energy analyst with Dragon Capital, an investment house in
Kyiv, said it’s a good price for a 25 percent stake. He said the
price rose because of true competition. “Previously, we hadn’t
noticed much of it (competition).”
Later,
an agency in charge of state property sold 25 percent stakes in
Vinnytsyaoblenergo for $7 million and in Chernivtsioblenergo for $2.3
million.
However,
these deals are a prelude to distributing more lucrative assets.
The
government is preparing to sell its control over Ukrnafta, a gas and
oil producing unit of Naftogaz. Kolomoisky holds a minor stake here
which means he will do his best to turn it into a major stake.
Ukrnafta has been a huge inspiration for the shareholders this year
after it paid off very generous dividends, providing a 20 percent
return on investments.
Control
over Centrenergo, a profitable and major electricity maker, will also
be sold through an auction, while 10 percent of the shares will be
placed on the stock market with a the starting price of $16.1
million.
Centrenergo
was at epicenter of a scandal recently.
On
Nov. 25, the General Prosecutor’s Office reported the arrest of one
of the company’s top executives who is suspected of running a
corruption ring, receiving bribes, up to $55,000 a day, from the
suppliers who paid for the right to sell their goods to the power
producing company. As much as Hr 2 million and $300,000 in cash,
along with fake stamps and documents, were found during a search of
company’s office in Kyiv.
Donbasenergo,
another profitable power producer, is for sale too: investors will be
able to buy up to 25 percent with a $17.6 initial price in the
company controlled by Igor Gumenyuk, whose ties with Yanukovych are
viewed as a proven fact by the stock market traders. However, a war
in the Donbas, where company is located, may push the price down.
But
privatization is not only offering up energy firms.
Odesa
Portside Plant and Sumykhimprom, two chemical giants, are also up for
sale. Both are reasons for sleepless nights for Kolomoisky and his
key rival, billionaire Dmytro Firtash who is currently living in
Austria and fighting U.S. bribery charges. Each wants to develop the
chemical part of his business empire.
Turboatom,
a maker of nuclear energy equipment, is another interesting asset for
the investors to grab. However, it’s been on the privatization
agenda for a long time, but the government has decided to hold onto
it and its profits.
Mariupol-based
Azovmash, which produces machinery for iron ore extraction, might go
to private hands too, but, again, the war in the east may prompt the
property fund to postpone its sale.
Yatsenyuk
promised to offer spirit producer Ukrspyrt, another government-owned
monopoly, to those who would be interested, but it has not made it to
the privatization list.
Foreign
investors could play a special role during the upcoming wave of
privatization. Previously, they have been pushed out of the auctions
through the introduction of various requirements that made little
sense.
However,
Yatsenyuk doubts that foreign companies or investors will buy
anything this time. Their disappointment with Ukraine’s economy is
too high, he thinks.
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