Obama’s
Covert Trade Deal
2
June , 2013
WASHINGTON
— THE Obama administration has often stated its commitment to open
government. So why is it keeping such tight wraps on the contents of
the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the most significant international
commercial agreement since the creation of the World Trade
Organization in 1995?
The
agreement, under negotiation since 2008, would set new rules for
everything from food safety and financial markets to medicine prices
and Internet freedom. It would include at least 12 of the countries
bordering the Pacific and be open for more to join. President Obama
has said he wants to sign it by October.
Although
Congress has exclusive constitutional authority to set the terms of
trade, so far the executive branch has managed to resist repeated
requests by members of Congress to see the text of the draft
agreement and has denied requests from members to attend negotiations
as observers — reversing past practice.
While
the agreement could rewrite broad sections of nontrade policies
affecting Americans’ daily lives, the administration also has
rejected demands by outside groups that the nearly complete text be
publicly released. Even the George W. Bush administration, hardly a
paragon of transparency, published online the draft text of the last
similarly sweeping agreement, called the Free Trade Area of the
Americas, in 2001.
There
is one exception to this wall of secrecy: a group of some 600 trade
“advisers,” dominated by representatives of big businesses, who
enjoy privileged access to draft texts and negotiators.
This
covert approach is a major problem because the agreement is more than
just a trade deal. Only 5 of its 29 chapters cover traditional trade
matters, like tariffs or quotas. The others impose parameters on
nontrade policies. Existing and future American laws must be altered
to conform with these terms, or trade sanctions can be imposed
against American exports.
Remember
the debate in January 2012 over the Stop Online Piracy Act, which
would have imposed harsh penalties for even the most minor and
inadvertent infraction of a company’s copyright? The ensuing uproar
derailed the proposal. But now, the very corporations behind SOPA are
at it again, hoping to reincarnate its terms within the Trans-Pacific
Partnership’s sweeping proposed copyright provisions.
From
another leak, we know the pact would also take aim at policies to
control the cost of medicine. Pharmaceutical companies, which are
among those enjoying access to negotiators as “advisers,” have
long lobbied against government efforts to keep the cost of medicines
down. Under the agreement, these companies could challenge such
measures by claiming that they undermined their new rights granted by
the deal.
And
yet another leak revealed that the deal would include even more
expansive incentives to relocate domestic manufacturing offshore than
were included in Nafta — a deal that drained millions of
manufacturing jobs from the American economy.
The
agreement would also be a boon for Wall Street and its campaign to
water down regulations put in place after the 2008 financial crisis.
Among other things, it would practically forbid bans on risky
financial products, including the toxic derivatives that helped cause
the crisis in the first place.
Of
course, the agreement must eventually face a Congressional vote,
which means that one day it will become public.
So
why keep it a secret? Because Mr. Obama wants the agreement to be
given fast-track treatment on Capitol Hill. Under this extraordinary
and rarely used procedure, he could sign the agreement before
Congress voted on it. And Congress’s post-facto vote would be under
rules limiting debate, banning all amendments and forcing a quick
vote.
Ron
Kirk, until recently Mr. Obama’s top trade official, was remarkably
candid about why he opposed making the text public: doing so, he
suggested to Reuters, would raise such opposition that it could make
the deal impossible to sign.
Michael
Froman, nominated to be Mr. Kirk’s replacement, will most likely
become the public face of the administration’s very private
negotiations and the apparent calculation that underlies them. As
someone whose professional experience has been during the Internet
era, he must know that such extreme secrecy is bound to backfire.
Whatever
one thinks about “free trade,” the secrecy of the Trans-Pacific
Partnership process represents a huge assault on the principles and
practice of democratic governance. That is untenable in the age of
transparency, especially coming from an administration that is
otherwise so quick to trumpet its commitment to open government.
Lori
Wallach is the director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch,
where Ben Beachy is the research director.
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