Emergency
declared due to fire at U.S. nuclear plant — ‘Unusual Event’
lasted over 90 minutes
13
May, 2013
Title:
Event
Notification Report
Source:
NRC
Date:
May 13, 2013
h/t
PhilipUpNorth
[...]
50.72(a) (1) (i) – EMERGENCY DECLARED [...]
UNUSUAL
EVENT DUE TO FIRE ON AUXILIARY TRANSFORMER INSIDE PROTECTED THE AREA
At
1743 CDT on 05/12/13, Grand Gulf Nuclear Station declared an Unusual
Event due to a fire lasting greater than 15 minutes in an auxiliary
transformer inside the Protected Area (PA). The transformer was
isolated. The plant continues to operate at 100% power. The license
remains in a Unusual Event pending further investigation.
The
licensee notified the NRC Resident Inspector and State and Local
Authorities.
Notified
DHS SWO, FEMA, and DHS NICC.
*
* * UPDATE FROM ROBERT BRINKMAN TO JOHN SHOEMAKER AT 2112 EDT ON
5/12/13 * * *
The
Licensee terminated the Unusual Event at 1921 CDT on 5/12/13 based on
electrically isolating the auxiliary transformer and termination of
smoke coming from the transformer. At no time were flames seen during
this event. The transformer is located outside of the turbine
building [...]
11
May, 2013
At Hanford,
the former plutonium production facility located in Eastern
Washington, not much takes place without a carefully designed plan.
With 56 million gallons of the most highly contaminated nuclear waste
on the planet stored in underground tanks at the site, human and
environmental health depend on the precise work of Hanford employees
and their strict adherence to written procedures.
Documents
called Alarm Response Procedures, commonly known as ARPs, spell out
what steps need to be taken when an alarm goes off to indicate an
anomaly or emergency, such as a release of radioactive particulates
into the environment or a leaking tank.
But KING 5
has found that on October 9, 2011, when an alarm sounded to alert the
monitoring staff that -– for the first time ever -- one of 28
double-shell tanks holding the worst waste at Hanford might be
leaking nuclear waste, the shift manager on duty couldn’t find the
ARP that would give detailed information about what to do. The
manager hand wrote in his log book that the tank’s leak detection
system “is in alarm,” but he is “unable to find ARP”
The day
after the alarm sounded, the private company hired by the U.S.
Department of Energy to manage the underground waste tanks at Hanford
-- Washington River Protection Solutions (WRPS) -- sent veteran
instrument technician Mike Geffre out to inspect the equipment
monitoring the tank, called AY-102. Geffre found the leak detection
system was in proper working order -- meaning the alarm that sounded
on the 9th was not false. But after confirming the alarm, Geffre had
no ARP to consult to see what action should be taken.
"I
thought there would be a whole protocol of investigation, looking to
see what was going on, maybe putting cameras in and looking to see
where the waste was coming from. I just assumed that was in place,"
said Geffre. "Well, there wasn't any of that in place. There was
nothing. No plan. Zippo."
Rainwater
theory
The company
reported to federal and state regulators that its experts believed
rainwater, not nuclear waste, had seeped into the space between the
tank’s primary and secondary shells. WRPS managers noted that it
had been raining in the Tri-Cities area for several days and
suggested that the rain must have triggered a false alarm.
In
addition, WRPS officials reported that radiation readings recorded by
the leak detection equipment weren't out of the ordinary for this
particular tank.
But the
alarms recorded in October 2011 were just the first of several red
flags that went up over the next 10 months that highly radioactive
sludge was leaking out of a huge tank's primary wall and into a space
not engineered to hold the material. It would take a full year for
WRPS and the Department of Energy to confirm to the public that the
tank had in fact cracked, allowing nuclear waste to ooze out.
No plan
stalled action
Nuclear
science and policy experts told KING 5 that the lack of an ARP -- a
roadmap on how to investigate what exactly put the equipment into
alarm -- was a grave error.
“If you
have a procedure in place for everything except for the big critical
failure, I don’t think it’s a failure of vision. I think it’s a
decision. You’ve decided this is something that is not going to
happen,” said Boston-based civil engineer and radiation expert
Marco Kaltofen, who’s traveled to Hanford many times to conduct
research.
“The
problem with hazardous waste of all kinds, radioactive wastes, is
that when you sit on them the problems get worse. Every day you wait,
it’s more material that you have to dispose of, more stuff gets
contaminated and the problem gets worse and more expensive and harder
to control. That was a big mistake,” said Kaltofen.
"They've
wasted money, they've wasted time. We can't afford to do those things
out at Hanford. It's too urgent of a problem. All of us have too much
invested in that clean up to succeed for that kind of mentality to
prevail," said Tom Carpenter, executive director of the watchdog
organization Hanford Challenge.
WRPS
insists it had response plan
Media
specialists for WRPS told KING 5 in April that that a written alarm
response plan existed when the first leak warning sounded in October
2011.
"There
is and has been an established Alarm Response Procedure (ARP) for the
ENRAF (leak detection) system,” wrote company representatives.
But KING
5's thorough review of all WRPS Alarm Response Procedures connected
to double-shell tanks found no plan.
“Well
they lied to you then,” said Dick Heggen, a retired Washington
State Department of Ecology employee who served as a state compliance
officer at Hanford.
“They
failed miserably, and at this point the Department of Ecology and the
Department of Energy need to get on their case and make sure they
have one (an ARP) as soon as possible. I would say in a week or less.
If they don’t, when another one comes around or if this one gets
bigger what are they going to do?” said Heggen.
After KING
5 briefed WRPS officials on Thursday that a report on the lack of an
ARP would be broadcast the following day, WRPS External Affairs
Manager Jerry Holloway wrote to KING 5 to say he needed to make a
clarification to the company’s original statement:
“Procedures
for responding to ENRAF annulus alarms were in place as part of two
separate tank farm operating procedures in October 2011. An
additional Alarm Response Procedure (ARP) was not necessary because
AY/AZ farm ENRAFs alarm to the Tank Monitor and Control System
(TMACS) surveillance system which is monitored 24 hours a day and
includes alarm response procedures. A second procedure also covered
follow up response to ENRAF alarms."
KING 5
confirmed with employees who work closely with the leak detection
systems at Hanford that the company’s statement to KING 5 is not
accurate. Instead, only in June 2012 -- eight months after the first
leak alarm -- were two additions made to the company’s manuals
about the leak detection alarm. And to date, an ARP describing
actions to be taken when leaked waste material is detected in a
double-shell tank's annulus space still has not been written.
“This
could have been totally avoided if they would have listened to me
about two years ago,” said WRPS technician Mike Geffre. Geffre told
KING 5 he urged WRPS managers to write and put into action an ARP for
this particular alarm in 2010.
“I told
them we were not prepared in case one day one of our double shell
tanks really did have a leak. We calibrate this equipment all of the
time. Sometimes it goes into alarm because the plummet (detection
equipment) has drifted out of position. But what if it was the real
thing? You can’t assume it’s always going to be a false reading.
I mentioned it more than once and thought it had been taken care of.
I was wrong,” said Geffre.
Quick
action to address a leak in AY-102 was important given the nature of
the high-level waste the tank contains, according to Bob Alvarez, a
former nuclear policy adviser to President Clinton. Tank AY-102
contains massive amounts of the nuclear by-product Strontium-90 –-
more than any other tank at Hanford. Strontium-90 sinks to the bottom
of waste tanks and generates heat so hot it boils the material around
it.
“It’s
been known for over 50 years at Hanford that high heat loads at the
bottom of tanks cause them to leak and crack. This is not unknown,”
said Alvarez.
The
contents of AY-102 will eat through the secondary tank liner -– the
final barrier between the toxic sludge and the environment -- faster
than any other material at the site.
“There’s
an enormous amount of decay heat in that tank. It’s like having a
grill the size of a basketball court lit up with gas going on
constantly,” said Alvarez.
WRPS holds
the contract to manage all 177 underground nuclear waste tanks at
Hanford. Twenty-eight of them, including Tank AY-102, are
double-shell tanks that are considered the most robust and reliable
tanks for keeping nuclear waste safe until technology is developed to
permanently dispose of the materials. Now that one double-shell tank
is confirmed to be a leaker, experts consulted by KING 5 said being
prepared with an ARP is more important than ever.
"If
you're alarming that, testing that, and you don't have a plan for
when you find something? Why are we out there in the first place?
Everybody go home. Forget the whole thing," said Kaltofen. “You
have to know what to do in advance of finding a leak. If you don’t
do that, how are you going to handle the rest of Hanford?”
St.
Louis Is Burning
An
underground landfill fire near tons of nuclear waste raises serious
health and safety concerns – so why isn't the government doing more
to help?
10
May, 2013
There's a
fire burning in Bridgeton, Missouri. It's invisible to area
residents, buried deep beneath the ground in a North St. Louis County
landfill. But the smoldering waste is an unavoidable presence in
town, giving off a putrid odor that clouds the air miles away – an
overwhelming stench described by one area woman as "rotten eggs
mixed with skunk and fertilizer." Residents report smelling it
at K-12 school buses, a TGI Fridays and even the operating room of a
local hospital. "It smells like dead bodies," observes
another local.
On a
Saturday morning in March, one mile south of the landfill, several
Bridgeton residents have gathered at a small home in a blue-collar
subdivision called Spanish Village. Concerned citizens Karen Nickel
and Dawn Chapman are here to answer questions posed by four of their
neighbors. "How will I ever sell my house?" "Am I
going to end up with cancer 20 years down the road?" "Is
there even a solution?"
In
February, the landfill's owner, Republic Services, sent glossy fliers
to residents within stink radius claiming the noxious odor posed no
safety risk. But official reports say otherwise. Temperature probes
reveal the fire has already surpassed normal heat levels. Reports
from the Missouri Department of Health and Senior Services (DHSS)
indicate dangerously high levels of benzene and hydrogen sulfide in
the air. In March, Missouri's Department of Natural Resources (MDNR)
– which has jurisdiction over Bridgeton Landfill – quietly posted
an Internet notice cautioning citizens with chronic respiratory
diseases to limit time outdoors. A month after Republic distributed
its potentially misleading flier, the state attorney general sued the
company on eight counts of environmental violations, including
pollution and public nuisance. And this week, as part of a settlement
set to be announced Tuesday, Republic sent another round of fliers
offering to move local families to hotels during a period of
increased odor related to remediation efforts.
Nickel and
Chapman are stay-at-home moms; Chapman has three special-needs kids.
Neither of them wants to spend her time worrying about a damn
landfill fire. But until someone higher up the power chain
intervenes, they have sworn to call municipal offices, file Sunshine
requests and post notices to the community's Facebook group, no
matter how unsettling the facts they uncover. Scariest of all: The
Bridgeton landfill fire is burning close to at least 8,700 tons of
nuclear weapons wastes.
"To
have somebody call you at 11 P.M., and they're in tears, concerned
for their family, that's heartbreaking," Chapman tells Rolling
Stone. "We're doing this because we don't have a choice. If we
don't come together as a community and fight, no one's going to do it
for us."
America's
Nuclear Nightmare
West Lake
Landfill is an Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Superfund site
that's home to some of the oldest radioactive wastes in the world. A
six-foot chain-link fence surrounds the perimeter, plastered with
bright yellow hazard signs that warn of the dangers within. On one
corner stands a rusty gas pump. About 1,200 feet south of the
radioactive EPA site, the fire at Bridgeton Landfill spreads out like
hot barbeque coals. No one knows for sure what happens when an
underground inferno meets a pool of atomic waste, but residents
aren't eager to find out.
At a March
15th press conference, Peter Anderson – an economist who has
studied landfills for over 20 years – raised the worst-case
scenario of a "dirty bomb," meaning a non-detonated, mass
release of floating radioactive particles in metro St. Louis. "Now,
to be clear, a dirty bomb is not nuclear fission, it's not an atomic
bomb, it's not a weapon of mass destruction," Anderson assured
meeting attendants in Bridgeton's Machinists Union Hall. "But
the dispersal of that radioactive material in air that could reach –
depending upon weather conditions – as far as 10 miles from the
site could make it impossible to have economic activity continue."
In a
response offered to Rolling Stone, Republic Services says, "Mr.
Anderson made his statement without any proof or evidence, and he
ignored the fact that ongoing evaluation by MDNR, EPA and local
authorities have confirmed that the increased heat at the Bridgeton
Landfill has not impacted West Lake and does not pose a threat to the
materials at West Lake." Republic Services also denies that it
is dealing with a "fire" – the company prefers the
euphemism "subsurface smoldering event." Under orders from
the state, Republic is drilling holes to contain this "smoldering
event." Republic estimates it's already spent over $20 million –
about 0.25 percent of its 2012 revenues – on such mitigation
efforts, "not because we have to, but because it is the right
thing to do."
When
Missouri Attorney General Chris Koster sued Republic Services on
March 27th, outlining a host of alleged odor pollution and public
health violations at Bridgeton Landfill, he described the risk of the
fire contacting the nearby radwaste as a mere "remote
hypothetical." But many residents are far from reassured.
The story
of West Lake's radioactive waste goes back to April 1942, when a St.
Louis company called Mallinckrodt Chemical Works began purifying tens
of thousands of tons of uranium for the University of Chicago as part
of the Manhattan Project. Mallinckrodt's workers did not receive
adequate safety protections and had little knowledge of what they
were dealing with – oversights that would lead to
disproportionately high cancer death rates among workers, as
documented in books, dissertations and journalistic accounts,
including a groundbreaking seven-part series from the St. Louis
Post-Dispatch in 1989. Over the next 25 years, the company's uranium
processing also created huge amounts of radioactive waste, much of
which was secretly dumped at sites throughout the St. Louis
metropolitan area, including West Lake.
Today, West
Lake's radioactive waste – all 143,000 cubic yards of it – sits
on the outskirts of a former quarry with practically none of the
standard safety features found in most municipal landfills. No clay
liner blocks toxic leachate – or "garbage juice" – from
seeping into area groundwater. No cap keeps toxic gas from dispersing
into the air. This unprotected waste sits on a floodplain 1.5 miles
away from the Missouri River. Eight miles downstream is a drinking
water reservoir that serves 300,000 St. Louisans. Worst of all: The
materials dumped in this populous metropolitan area will continue to
pose a hazard for hundreds of thousands of years.
The EPA's
Region 7 is based in Lenexa, Kansas, about 250 miles west of St.
Louis. The agency operates from a glass-paned office building that
once housed the international headquarters of Applebee's. In an empty
conference room on the ground floor, Dan Gravatt, the EPA manager
tasked with handling West Lake, looks every bit the government
scientist in his blue work shirt, khaki pants and thin-framed
glasses.
In 2008,
the EPA decided to cap the radiotoxic material dumped at West Lake
and leave it there. Capping the site meant piling five feet of dirt
and rocks on top and implementing long-term monitoring for
contamination. Facing widespread public pressure, including a letter
from St. Louis mayor Francis Slay, the EPA postponed its decision
pending further studies.
Gravatt has
a smooth, rehearsed response to almost any question about the West
Lake landfill – a skill he put to use at a community meeting on
January 17th, when more than 300 concerned citizens gathered to hear
the results of those EPA studies. One person in attendance was Kay
Drey, an 80-year-old civil rights and anti-nuclear activist who's
been advocating for the removal of wastes from the St. Louis area for
more than three decades. "I was very disappointed," Drey
tells RS. "The evidence is clear. This is radioactively hot
stuff and it shouldn't be in the floodplain by the Missouri river.
And if they can't admit to that – well, it's incomprehensible."
Back at his
office, Gravatt insists that West Lake's radioactive wastes only pose
health risks for people who come in direct contact with the site,
adding that the nuclear dump "doesn't pose any current exposure
pathways to area residents as it stands now."
But Robert
Criss, a geochemist at Washington University in St. Louis who has
studied the issue closely, says the EPA is grossly underplaying a
host of risks surrounding West Lake – flooding, earthquakes,
liquefaction, groundwater leaching – that could pave the way for a
public health crisis. That's not to mention the recent development of
an underground fire nearby. Says Criss, "There is no geological
site I can think of that is more absurd to place such waste."
Digging
through old Nuclear Regulatory Commission studies, he recently
stumbled upon what he describes as an error with major implications.
For the last three decades, various government documents have
referred to the waste at the landfill as "leached barium
sulfate," a nearly insoluble compound generated from uranium
processing. But Criss says that the NRC's own data shows the material
dumped at West Lake contains far too little barium and sulfate to
compose barium sulfate – by factors of 100 and 1000, respectively.
"If I had this long to study something, I would be pretty
embarrassed if this is what I came up with," says Criss. "It
is inconceivable for these people to promote remedies when they don't
even know what they're dealing with."
In a
statement to Rolling Stone, the EPA disputed Criss' findings, but
declined to offer further explanation, instead deferring to the
Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Upon request for a chemical analysis
proving the waste is barium sulfate, the NRC sent RS the same 1982
report that Criss disputes.
So what
happens now? The EPA officially lists four potentially responsible
parties for the West Lake Superfund site. One is the U.S. Department
of Energy. A second is Cotter Corporation, a company whose
contractors secretly dumped nuclear waste at West Lake in the
Seventies, as uncovered soon after by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
The others are Bridgeton Landfill LLC and Rock Road Industries LLC –
both subsidiaries of Republic Services, which currently runs the
landfill. Under Superfund law, these four parties must ultimately
foot the bill for any remedial actions ordered by the EPA; at the
same time, it is these same four parties that contract and pay for
all EPA studies leading up to a decision. This might seem like a
conflict of interest, but Gravatt insists it's all on the up and up:
"We tell them what to do." It must be a coincidence, then,
that the EPA's capping plan cost the potentially responsible parties
only $41 million, compared to up to $415 million required to actually
excavate the waste.
Missouri
State Representative Keith English has another idea to fix the mess
at West Lake. In February, English and 12 co-sponsors filed a
resolution with the state assembly to transfer control of the site
from the EPA to the Army Corps of Engineers' Formerly Utilized Sites
Remedial Actions Program (FUSRAP) – a proven success that has
already cleared more than one million cubic yards of atomic waste
from other sites in the St. Louis area, shipping the radioactive
contaminants to safe disposal cells in Utah and Idaho. A nearly
identical resolution filed by State Senator Maria Chappelle-Nadal in
Missouri's other legislative body garnered three co-sponsors. "The
educated people that deal with this type of waste can see that
there's an issue with just putting a cap on top," says English.
Unfortunately,
anything that passes through Missouri's statehouses would only
represent a symbolic victory. Since West Lake remains under federal
jurisdiction, only an act of Congress could transfer the site to the
Army Corps. For this reason, many are looking to Missouri's U.S.
Senate delegation – Democrat Claire McCaskill and Republican Roy
Blunt – to lead on this issue. "I hope that our resolutions
pass and get to Senator Blunt and Senator McCaskill's office,"
English says. "Because they've been sweeping it under the rug
for the past several years."
The
Missouri Coalition for the Environment, which has advocated for the
removal of West Lake wastes for more than a decade, in part blames
Missouri's ties to the nuclear energy industry for the senators' lack
of action. Both McCaskill and Blunt, as well as Missouri Governor Jay
Nixon, have pushed for bringing more nuclear reactors to the state.
Any more attention to a hazardous radioactive dump might get in the
way of that messaging. "They won't touch this with a 10-foot
pole," says the Coalition's safe energy director, Ed Smith. "It
doesn't fit their narrative of clean nuclear power and 'jobs, jobs,
jobs.'"
Blunt has
yet to make any public statement on the issue, and his office has not
responded to requests for comment. McCaskill, meanwhile, supported
the 2008 cap-and-leave plan for the West Lake radwaste; on March 12th
of this year, she sent a response to several concerned citizens,
assuring them, "I will continue to monitor these situations and
ensure that any proposal put forward to address them provides a safe,
cost-effective solution for Missourians."
McCaskill's
reference to a "cost-effective solution" didn't sit well
with the activists in Bridgeton. "I don't give a flying fuck how
much it costs," says Chapman. "This is about my children."
Bridgeton's
underground fire was news to Ramona Herbert, who moved to Spanish
Village with her family last November. She and her husband, Joshua,
came here from St. Louis' inner city, hoping for a safer place to
raise their kids. When the Herberts signed a five-year lease for
their new home, no one disclosed to them that hot nuclear dumps sit a
mile north from their children's bedrooms. No one told the Herberts
that an ongoing landfill fire burns just down the street from their
local Bob Evans restaurant. After two months in her new home, Ramona
Herbert noticed an EPA flier on her door announcing a community
meeting, but it meant little to her.
"My
landlord said to me that we have a little sewage problem," she
recalls. "So I'm thinking the sewage system isn't working
right." But the stench only got worse, and she started having
trouble sleeping. Parents stopped letting 14-year-old Mateo Herbert's
friends shoot hoops in his neighborhood, because something in the air
was making their kids' eyes water. And Joshua Herbert, who boasted a
nearly spotless medical history, started suffering terrible
headaches.
Ramona
Herbert learned about St. Louis' nuclear waste legacy from a Rolling
Stone reporter. As soon as she found out, she got in touch with
Chapman, and she is now part of a growing coalition. Like hundreds of
other concerned citizens in North St. Louis, she wants answers. "When
were we going to be warned?" Herbert wonders, standing at the
door of her new home. "When is it too late?"
Nuclear
Power Falters, Engulfed by 'Cauldron' of Bad Luck
Once
touted as a successor, or at least a competitor, to carbon-based
power, the nuclear sector has taken a beating as the momentum behind
new projects stalls and enthusiasm for domestic fossil fuel
production grows.
13
May, 2013
Across the
country, plans to build nuclear plants have hit roadblocks recently—a
sharp turn for a sector that just a few years ago was looking forward
to a renaissance. These developments come as energy policy becomes
increasingly focused on oil and gas.
In recent
weeks, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission ruled against a proposed
partnership between NRC Energy and Toshiba, citing a law that
prohibits control of a U.S. plant by a foreign corporation.
Elsewhere,
Duke Energy scuttled plans to construct two nuclear reactors in North
Carolina, while California officials warned that two damaged reactors
could be shut down permanently if the NRC doesn't take action to get
the plants back online.
Even the
most successful disruptors who shake up their industry don't always
get it 100 percent right. Find out the surprising thing Nobel Prize
winning physicist Albert Einstein said about the ability to harness
nuclear energy.
The change
in nuclear's fortunes is staggering, given that the U.S. is the
world's largest producer of nuclear power, according to the World
Nuclear Association. The country's 104 reactors account for more than
30 percent of nuclear electricity generation worldwide.
"Starting
about four years ago, the industry felt it was in the middle of a
renaissance" with applications for many new plants pending with
the NRC, said Peter Bradford, a law professor and a former member of
the commission. "They've gone from that high-water mark to a
point at which … we're actually seeing the closing of a few
operating plants,which was unthinkable even a few years ago."
With shale
and natural gas gaining currency and the cost of building plants
soaring, nuclear energy's stock is steadily being devalued. All this
is playing out against the backdrop of Japan's nuclear disaster two
years ago at Fukushima, which made policymakers think twice about
extolling the virtues of nuclear power.
Bradford,
who also served as a utility commissioner in New York and Maine,
cited a "cauldron of events" for bringing the nuclear push
to a standstill, including the use of cheaper and plentiful natural
gas to generate electricity, as well as soaring investment costs.
"Nuclear
is kind of the ocean liner of energy: Once it heads in a particular
direction it's hard to turn it," Bradford said. Some observers
had predicted that "many things could go wrong," he said,
"but I don't think there were many of us that forecast they
would all go wrong at once."
Just like
its counterparts in the solar industry, nuclear power is in the
throes of declining public policy support. Tax incentives and other
forms of public subsidy are being withdrawn as the risks and costs
associated with power plants rise.
The shift
dovetails with the lowered profile of climate change legislation in
Washington, according to some.
Sherry
Quirk, an attorney that leads Schiff Hardin's energy practice, noted
local and federal officials' shift and the lack of climate change
initiatives.
"Given
concerns about climate change and the thought there might be ... new
laws that would effectively make coal fire a thing of the past, they
launched a number of plans," Quirk said. Now, "on the basis
of price and risk analysis, the constructions of a number of nuclear
facilities have been called into question."
Although
nuclear power is touted as one of the cleanest forms of energy, only
three units are under construction, and only four to six may come
online in the next decade, according to data from the WNA.
That
appears to reflect an energy policy that increasingly de-emphasizes
alternative energy while placing a premium on fossil fuels.
"The
so-called all-of-the-above energy strategy was always nonsensical,"
said Bradford, even more so given that nuclear power has become too
pricey. "We don't fight world hunger with caviar, and we're not
going to fight climate change with outlandishly expensive energy
sources."
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