Here’s
what to expect from today’s Putin-Erdogan meeting
The
summit will probably lead to an intensification of relations but no
realignment or breakthrough.
Alexamder
Mercouris
8
Augist, 2016
Turkish
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan travels to Russia today for a meeting
with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, which will be Erdogan’s
first meeting with a foreign leader following the recent coup
attempt. Significantly, as if to lend more symbolic weight to
the meeting, it will take place in St. Petersburg – Russia’s
former capital and Putin’s home city.
Erdogan’s
visit is understandably enough causing growing
concern in the West as
talk intensifies of a possible Turkish realignment with Russia and
the Eurasian Powers at the expense of Turkey’s traditional links to
the West. In advance of the meeting Turkish diplomats in
Western capitals have been working overtime to calm nerves. As
I have said previously an
outright secession by Turkey from NATO is not on the cards and
Turkish diplomats will be assuring Western governments of this and of
Turkey’s continued loyalty to the US and to NATO.
However that does not mean that the Russian – Turkish rapprochement is of no significance though only time will tell how deep it will be or how far it will go. Erdogan is however known to be furious that no Western leader has visited Turkey since the coup attempt to show support, and he has made it completely obvious through his ministers and officials and through the Turkish media that he suspects that the US had a hand in the coup attempt.
It
is almost certainly not a coincidence that directly on the eve of
Erdogan’s visit to Russia pictures surfaced
in the Greek media supposedly showing the US ambassador to Turkey
amicably meeting with a Turkish military officer identified as
Colonel Ali Yazici, one of the alleged coup plotters, at a cafe the
day before the coup.
At
this point it is essential to say that the significance of these
pictures as evidence of a US hand in the coup is open to
doubt. Firstly it is not absolutely certain that the
Turkish military officer is indeed Colonel Ali Yazici. Also
we do not know what the two men in the pictures were saying to each
other. We cannot even be absolutely sure when the pictures
were taken. The very fact that the two men are shown
meeting in a public place, making it possible for pictures of them to
be taken together, argues against this being a meeting to plot a
coup.
What
we can however say with certainty is that whoever is behind the leak
of these pictures is clearly someone who on the eve of Erdogan’s
visit to Russia wants to draw attention to the US’s links with the
coup plotters in a way that can only strengthen suspicions in Turkey
that the US was behind the coup. That points either to the
Russians or conceivably to Erdogan’s intelligence services being
behind the leak.
Putting
the question of these pictures to one side, just as Erdogan has made
his suspicions of a US role in the coup only too obvious, so he and
his officials have gone out of their way to make their gratitude to
Putin and to Russia for their support during the coup completely
clear. Of course if it was a Russian tip-off that caused
the coup’s failure – as
is almost certainly the case –
then Erdogan and his government have a particular reason to be
grateful to the Russians for the very fact of their survival.
What
however can be expected to come out of the visit?
The
Russians have said that there will be no formal agreements. However
Erdogan and Putin will work to re-establish their personal
relationship with each other, which became badly frayed last year
following the SU24 shoot-down. Erdogan and Putin will
surely also work together towards each other on the three critical
issues of mutual interest that most affect their two countries’
relations with each other. These are (1) the gas pipeline
project known as Turk Stream; (2) Turkey’s steps towards
integrating with the Eurasian institutions; and (3) the Syrian
war. What progress can we expect in respect of each?
(1) Turk
Stream
Whilst
many technical problems still dog this project, whose importance to
the Russians has diminished following the agreement with Germany to
build North Stream II, this is the least problematic issue between
the two countries. It is a virtual certainty this project
will be revived and taken forward. It is quite possible
that the meeting in St. Petersburg will result in a formal
announcement of the fact.
(2) Eurasian
Integration
The
leading advocates of Turkey’s integration in Eurasia have
historically not been Putin and Russia but Kazakhstan and its
President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Since the failure of the
coup Nazarbayev has redoubled his efforts in this direction.
As I
have discussed previously,
there is a limit to how far Turkey will choose to integrate with the
Eurasian institutions. Having said that, Erdogan has now
made it clear that he intends to restore the death penalty in
Turkey. This is a step which is plainly intended to signal that
the anyway deadlocked project of Turkey’s accession to the EU is
being abandoned at least for the time being. That leaves
Turkey more free to explore options with the Eurasian institutions.
It
is possible we will see at the summit the first steps taken towards
conclusion of a free trade area agreement between the Eurasian
Economic Union (“EEU”) and Turkey. With the EEU in the
process of negotiating a free trade area with Iran and Azerbaijan
that would bring the whole of Central Asia bar Afghanistan into a
free trade area with Belarus and Russia.
It
would also mean something else, which so far as I know has not been
mentioned in any media commentary. Since Armenia is a
member of the EEU a free trade area involving the EEU, Azerbaijan,
Iran and Turkey would mean the end the economic blockade Azerbaijan
and Turkey have imposed on Armenia because of the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict. Iranian President Rouhani’s recent statement of
support for Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity (ie. for Nagorno
Karabakh’s reintegration into Azerbaijan) was clearly intended to
make this fact more palatable to people in Azerbaijan.
Though
there is likely to be discussion in St. Petersburg between Putin and
Erdogan of a free trade agreement between Turkey and the EEU, the
negotiations to achieve this will be protracted and far from
simple. Any discussion of this issue in St. Petersburg
will only be the start of a very long process.
As I
have said previously,
Turkey is not for the moment prepared to burn its bridges with NATO
aby seeking full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,
as opposed to the observer status it has now. Turkey’s
membership of the other Eurasian security alliance, the Russian-led
Collective Security Treaty Organisation, which unlike the Shanghai
Cooperation Organisation is an actual military alliance, is for the
moment out of the question.
(3) Syria
This
is far the most contentious issue between the two countries, with
each country too deeply committed to supporting opposite sides in the
Syrian war to make an outright policy reversal possible.
In
the case of the Russians that option can be completely ruled out. In
the case of Erdogan and the Turks, whilst there are signs of growing
unease and unhappiness with the policy, with some Turkish officials
hinting that they want a change of course, the political cost
involved in simply abandoning the Syrian rebels would almost
certainly be too high to make it politically acceptable.
Erdogan
would also have to consider the possible reaction of the large
numbers of Jihadi fighters in Turkey to such a reversal. With
the security situation in Turkey already fraught, he will surely be
concerned about taking any sudden move that might make them enemies.
The
Russians are however certain to press Erdogan on this issue. One
particular point of concern will almost certainly be the joint rebel
command headquarters which is coordinating the current rebel
offensive against Aleppo. The Iranian Fars news agency, in what
is surely another leak intentionally timed to coincide with Erdogan’s
visit to Russia, has revealed that this headquarters is located in
the Turkish city of Antikiya (ancient Antioch). Given that
this headquarters is led by Jabhat Al-Nusra – recognised by the
United Nations as a terrorist organisation – the Russians will
almost certainly demand its closure.
The
Russians will also be looking to Erdogan for steps to reduce the flow
of Jihadi militants into Syria, and there may be secret agreements
for exchanges of intelligence information about their movements,
which would make it easier for the Russians to target these militants
more effectively.
Ultimately
however the Russians are almost certainly simply too realistic to
expect Erdogan to repudiate the militants completely or to close the
border entirely, which the Turkish military in its present
disorganised post-coup state might anyway be unable to do.
Some
rumours have also recently been floated of a joint Russian –
Turkish diplomatic initiative to end the Syrian war. The
basis for doing this is not clear given the wide gap on the conflict
between the two sides, and the completely different positions each
has taken on the question of the future of President Assad. Having
said this the Russians might actually prefer to work on this issue
with the Turks rather than with the US, with whom substantive
agreement has proved impossible.
The
relationship between Russia and Turkey is a complicated one and as I
have said previously it is important not to pitch expectations too
high. The issues between the two countries are simply too
numerous and too intractable to be simply wished away. It
is unlikely that the summit in St. Petersburg will lead to any
dramatic breakthroughs.
The
key point however is that a Russian – Turkish rapprochement is
underway and that there is at least for the moment genuine goodwill
and a political will on the part of both sides to take their
relations to a new level. How far that will go will depend
on many factors, not least the consistency of Turkish policy and the
stability of President Erdogan’s government.
Putin's
Meeting With Erdogan Will 'Give the Green Light' to Turkish Stream
Iran
is interested in cooperating with Russia and Turkey on a trilateral
basis, Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Ibrahim Rahimpur said.
BAKU
(Sputnik) — Tehran's main goal is to ensure peace in the region,
according to the deputy minister.
"We
are ready to cooperate in such a format," Rahimpur told RIA
Novosti.
"Our
main goal is to ensure peace in the region," he added. "We
think that the countries in the region are the ones who need to take
decisions regarding themselves, not countries outside the region.
Compared to the Arabs and Western states, we could very easily solve
regional problems."
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