The
Strangelove effect - or how we are hoodwinked into accepting a new
world war
by John Pilger
18
April 2014
I
watched Dr. Strangelove the other day. I have seen it perhaps a dozen
times; it makes sense of senseless news. When Major T.J. 'King' Kong
goes "toe to toe with the Rooskies" and flies his rogue B52
nuclear bomber to a target in Russia, it's left to General 'Buck'
Turgidson to reassure the President. Strike first, says the general,
and "you got no more than 10 to 20 million killed, tops."
President
Merkin Muffley: "I will not go down in history as the greatest
mass-murderer since Adolf Hitler."
General
Turgidson: "Perhaps it might be better, Mr. President, if you
were more concerned with the American people than with your image in
the history books."
The
genius of Stanley Kubrick's film is that it accurately represents the
cold war's lunacy and dangers. Most of the characters are based on
real people and real maniacs. There is no equivalent to Strangelove
today, because popular culture is directed almost entirely at our
interior lives, as if identity is the moral zeitgeist and true satire
is redundant; yet the dangers are the same. The nuclear clock has
remained at five minutes to midnight; the same false flags are
hoisted above the same targets by the same "invisible
government", as Edward Bernays, the inventor of public
relations, described modern propaganda.
In
1964, the year Strangelove was made, "the missile gap" was
the false flag. In order to build more and bigger nuclear weapons and
pursue an undeclared policy of domination, President John Kennedy
approved the CIA's propaganda that the Soviet Union was well ahead of
the US in the production of Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles. This
filled front pages as the "Russian threat". In fact, the
Americans were so far ahead in the production of ICBMs, the Russians
never approached them. The cold war was based largely on this lie.
Since
the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US has ringed Russia with
military bases, nuclear warplanes and missiles as part of its "Nato
Enlargement Project". Reneging a US promise to Soviet President
Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990 that Nato would not expand "one inch
to the east", Nato has all but taken over eastern Europe. In the
former Soviet Caucuses, Nato's military build-up is the most
extensive since the second world war.
In
February, the United States mounted one of its proxy "colour"
coups against the elected government of Ukraine; the shock troops
were fascists. For the first time since 1945, a pro-Nazi, openly
anti-Semitic party controls key areas of state power in a European
capital. No Western European leader has condemned this revival of
fascism on the border of Russia. Some 30 million Russians died in the
invasion of their country by Hitler's Nazis, who were supported by
the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the UPA, responsible for numerous
Jewish and Polish massacres. The UPA was the military wing, inspiring
today's Svoboda party.
Since
Washington's putsch in Kiev - and Moscow's inevitable response in
Russian Crimea, to protect its Black Sea Fleet - the provocation and
isolation of Russia have been inverted in the news to the "Russian
threat". This is fossilised propaganda. The US Air Force general
who runs Nato forces in Europe - General Breedlove, no less - claimed
more than two weeks ago to have pictures showing 40,000 Russian
troops "massing" on the border with Ukraine. So did Colin
Powell claim to have pictures of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.
What is certain is that Obama's rapacious, reckless coup in Ukraine
has ignited a civil war and Vladimir Putin is being lured into a
trap.
Following
a 13-year rampage that began in stricken Afghanistan well after Osama
bin Laden had fled, then destroyed Iraq beneath a false flag, then
invented a "nuclear rogue" in Iran, dispatched Libya to a
Hobbesian anarchy and backed jihadists in Syria, the US finally has a
new cold war to supplement its worldwide campaign of murder and
terror by drone.
A
Nato Membership Action Plan or MAP - straight from the war room of
Strangelove - is General Breedlove's gift to the new dictatorship in
Ukraine. "Rapid Trident" will put US troops on Ukraine's
Russian border and "Sea Breeze" will put US warships within
sight of Russian ports. At the same time, Nato war games throughout
eastern Europe are designed to intimidate Russia. Imagine the
response if this madness was reversed and happened on America's
borders. Cue General 'Buck' Turgidson.
And
there is China. On 24 April, President Obama will begin a tour of
Asia to promote his "Pivot to China". The aim is to
convince his "allies" in the region, principally Japan, to
re-arm and prepare for the eventual possibility of war with China. By
2020, almost two-thirds of all US naval forces in the world will be
transferred to the Asia-Pacific area. This is the greatest military
concentration in that vast region since the second world war.
In
an arc extending from Australia to Japan, China will face US missiles
and nuclear-armed bombers. A strategic naval base is being built on
the Korean island of Jeju less than 400 miles from the Chinese
metropolis of Shanghai and the industrial heartland of the only
country whose economic power is likely to surpass that of the US.
Obama's "pivot" is designed to undermine China's influence
in its region. It is as if world war has begun by other means.
This
is not a Strangelove fantasy. Obama's defence secretary, Charles
"Chuck" Hagel, was in Beijing last week to deliver a
menacing warning that China, like Russia, could face isolation and
war if it did not bow to US demands. He compared the annexation of
Crimea with China's complex territorial dispute with Japan over
uninhabited islands in the East China Sea. "You cannot go around
the world," said Hagel with a straight face, "and violate
the sovereignty of nations by force, coercion or intimidation".
As for America's massive movement of naval forces and nuclear weapons
to Asia, that is "a sign of the humanitarian assistance the US
military can provide".
Obama
is currently seeking a greater budget for nuclear weapons than the
historical peak during the cold war, the era of Strangelove. The
United States is pursuing its longstanding ambition to dominate the
Eurasian landmass, stretching from China to Europe: a "manifest
destiny" made right by might.
Ukraine's
"Dr. Strangelove" Reality
By
Robert Parry
18
April 2014
As
much as the coup regime in Ukraine and its supporters want to project
an image of Western moderation, there is a "Dr. Strangelove"
element that can't stop the Nazism from popping up from time to time,
like when the Peter Sellers character in the classic movie can't keep
his right arm from making a "Heil Hitler" salute.
This
brutal Nazism surfaced again on Friday when right-wing toughs in
Odessa attacked an encampment of ethnic Russian protesters driving
them into a trade union building which was then set on fire with
Molotov cocktails. As the building was engulfed in flames, some
people who tried to flee were chased and beaten, while those trapped
inside heard the Ukrainian nationalists liken them to
black-and-red-striped potato beetles called Colorados, because those
colors are used in pro-Russian ribbons.
As
the fire worsened, those dying inside were serenaded with the
taunting singing of the Ukrainian national anthem. The building also
was spray-painted with Swastika-like symbols and graffiti reading
"Galician SS," a reference to the Ukrainian nationalist
army that fought alongside the German Nazi SS in World War II,
killing Russians on the eastern front.
The
death by fire of dozens of people in Odessa recalled a World War II
incident in 1944 when elements of a Galician SS police regiment took
part in the massacre of the Polish village of Huta Pieniacka, which
had been a refuge for Jews and was protected by Russian and Polish
partisans. Attacked by a mixed force of Ukrainian police and German
soldiers on Feb. 28, hundreds of townspeople were massacred,
including many locked in barns that were set ablaze.
The
legacy of World War II -- especially the bitter fight between
Ukrainian nationalists from the west and ethnic Russians from the
east seven decades ago -- is never far from the surface in Ukrainian
politics. One of the heroes celebrated during the Maidan protests in
Kiev was Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera, whose name was honored in
many banners including one on a podium where Sen. John McCain voiced
support for the uprising to oust elected President Viktor Yanukovych,
whose political base was in eastern Ukraine.
During
World War II, Bandera headed the Organization of Ukrainian
Nationalists-B, a radical paramilitary movement that sought to
transform Ukraine into a racially pure state. OUN-B took part in the
expulsion and extermination of thousands of Jews and Poles.
Though
most of the Maidan protesters in 2013-14 appeared motivated by anger
over political corruption and by a desire to join the European Union,
neo-Nazis made up a significant number. These storm troopers from the
Right Sektor and Svoboda party decked out some of the occupied
government buildings with Nazi insignias and even a
Confederate battle flag, the universal symbol of white supremacy.
Then,
as the protests turned violent from Feb. 20-22, the neo-Nazis surged
to the forefront. Their well-trained militias, organized in 100-man
brigades called "the hundreds," led the final assaults
against police and forced Yanukovych and many of his officials to
flee for their lives.
In
the days after the coup, as the neo-Nazi militias effectively
controlled the government, European and U.S. diplomats scrambled to
help the shaken parliament put together the semblance of a
respectable regime, although four
ministries, including national security, were awarded to the
right-wing extremists in recognition of their crucial role in ousting
Yanukovych.
Seeing
No Nazis
Since
February, virtually the entire U.S. news media has cooperated in the
effort to play down the neo-Nazi role, dismissing any mention of this
inconvenient truth as "Russian propaganda." Stories in the
U.S. media delicately step around the neo-Nazi reality by keeping out
relevant context, such as the background of national security chief
Andriy Parubiy, who founded the Social-National Party of Ukraine in
1991, blending radical Ukrainian nationalism with neo-Nazi symbols.
Parubiy was commandant of the Maidan's "self-defense forces."
When
the neo-Nazi factor is mentioned in the mainstream U.S. press, it is
usually to dismiss it as nonsense, such as an April 20 column by New
York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof who visited his ancestral home,
the western Ukrainian town of Karapchiv, and portrayed
its residents as the true voice of the Ukrainian people.
"To
understand why Ukrainians are risking war with Russia to try to pluck
themselves from Moscow's grip, I came to this village where my father
grew up," he wrote. "Even here in the village, Ukrainians
watch Russian television and loathe the propaganda portraying them as
neo-Nazi thugs rampaging against Russian speakers.
"'If
you listen to them, we all carry assault rifles; we're all beating
people,' Ilya Moskal, a history teacher, said contemptuously."
In an
April 17 column from Kiev, Kristof wrote that what the
Ukrainians want is weapons from the West so they can'to go
"bear-hunting," i.e., killing Russians. "People seem
to feel a bit disappointed that the United States and Europe haven't
been more supportive, and they are humiliated that their own acting
government hasn't done more to confront Russian-backed militants. So,
especially after a few drinks, people are ready to take down the
Russian Army themselves."
Kristof
also repeated the U.S. "conventional wisdom" that the
resistance to the coup regime among eastern Ukrainians was entirely
the work of Russian President Vladimir Putin, who, Kristof wrote,
"warns that Ukraine is on the brink of civil war. But the chaos
in eastern cities is his own creation, in part by sending
provocateurs across the border."
However,
when the New York Times finally sent two reporters to spend time with
rebels from the east, they encountered an indigenous movement
motivated by hostility to the Kiev regime and showing no signs of
direction from Moscow. [See Consortiumnews.com's "Another
NYT 'Sort of' Retraction on Ukraine."]
Beyond
the journalistic risk of jumping to conclusions, Kristof, who fancies
himself a great humanitarian, also should recognize that the clever
depiction of human beings as animals, whether as "bears" or
"Colorado beetles," can have horrendous human consequences
as is now apparent in Odessa.
Reagan's
Nazis
But
the problem with some western Ukrainians expressing their
inconvenient love for Nazis has not been limited to the current
crisis. It bedeviled Ronald Reagan's administration when it began
heating up the Cold War in the 1980s.
As
part of that strategy, Reagan's United States Information Agency,
under his close friend Charles Wick, hired a cast of right-wing
Ukrainian exiles who began showing up on U.S.-funded Radio Liberty
praising the Galician SS.
These
commentaries included positive depictions of Ukrainian nationalists
who had sided with the Nazis in World War II as the SS waged its
"final solution" against European Jews. The propaganda
broadcasts provoked outrage from Jewish organizations, such as B'nai
B'rith, and individuals including conservative academic Richard
Pipes.
According
to an internal memo dated May 4, 1984, and written by James
Critchlow, a research officer at the Board of International
Broadcasting, which managed Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe, one
RL broadcast in particular was viewed as "defending Ukrainians
who fought in the ranks of the SS."
Critchlow
wrote, "An RL Ukrainian broadcast of Feb. 12, 1984 contains
references to the Nazi-oriented Ukrainian-manned SS 'Galicia'
Division of World War II which may have damaged RL's reputation with
Soviet listeners. The memoirs of a German diplomat are quoted in a
way that seems to constitute endorsement by RL of praise for
Ukrainian volunteers in the SS division, which during its existence
fought side by side with the Germans against the Red Army."
Harvard
Professor Pipes, who was an informal adviser to the Reagan
administration, also inveighed against the Radio Liberty broadcasts,
writing -- on Dec. 3, 1984 -- "the Russian and Ukrainian
services of RL have been transmitting this year blatantly
anti-Semitic material to the Soviet Union which may cause the whole
enterprise irreparable harm."
Though
the Reagan administration publicly defended Radio Liberty against
some of the public criticism, privately some senior officials agreed
with the critics, according to documents in the archives of the
Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California. For instance,
in a Jan. 4, 1985, memo, Walter Raymond Jr., a top official on the
National Security Council, told his boss, National Security Adviser
Robert McFarlane, that "I would believe much of what Dick
[Pipes] says is right."
What
the Reagan administration apparently didn't understand three decades
ago -- and what the U.S. State Department still has not seemed to
learn today -- is that there is a danger in stirring up the old
animosities that divide Ukraine, east and west.
Though
clearly a minority, Ukraine's neo-Nazis remain a potent force that is
well-organized, well-motivated and prone to extreme violence, whether
throwing firebombs at police in the Maidan or at ethnic Russians
trapped in a building in Odessa.
As
vengeance now seeks vengeance across Ukraine, this Nazi imperative
will be difficult to hold down, much as Dr. Strangelove struggled to
stop his arm from making a "Heil Hitler" salute.
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