Have
our spies signed us up to war in Yemen?
More
than a decade after he arrived in New Zealand seeking political
asylum, Ahmed Zaoui was last week granted citizenship.
ANDREA
VANCE
25
May, 2014
Beaming
widely after receiving the certificate that allows him to apply for a
New Zealand passport, he expressed gratitude for the right to be
officially a citizen of a democratic society. It nearly wasn't so.
On
evidence provided by the Security Intelligence Service, Zaoui was
publicly accused of terrorist activities and denied refuge. A
"security risk certificate" against his name was withdrawn
six years ago - the SIS admitted Zaoui was not involved in terrorism,
although it claimed his associates were.
Intelligence
services get it wrong. The Zaoui case aside, New Zealand's foreign
spy agency was found last year to have illegally spied on dozens of
Kiwis.
So,
alarm bells should be screaming when the Prime Minister John Key
acknowledged that same agency - the Government Communications
Security Bureau - shares data that is likely used in the
controversial United States drone strike programme.
It
follows revelations that some unmanned drone strikes have relied on
intercepts by Australian satellite-tracking station Pine Gap.
Key
made his admission with a verbal shrug of the shoulders. He's
"comfortable" with the US programme. "For the most
part, drone strikes have been an effective way of prosecuting people
that are legitimate targets," he said.
Kiwis
are a little slow to this debate, even after the death of dual
national Daryl Jones last year. Investigative journalist Jeremy
Scahill, in Auckland to promote his book and documentary Dirty Wars,
raised the issue last weekend. This prompted Key's disclosure.
Precious
little is known about Jones. Key has said he was monitored by the
security services, under warrant, had links to al Qaeda Arabian
Peninsula and was in an AQAP training camp. Whether this is correct,
Muslim convert Jones was not the intended target of the Predator
strikes. He and Australian Christopher Harvard were "collateral
damage" and paid the ultimate price for their association with
Islamic militants.
While
Jones was on a watch-list, he was never brought to trial, not least
"prosecuted" for terrorist activities. With his execution,
he was denied the legal process that would have been guaranteed in
New Zealand - trial by jury, right to appeal.
The
secretive nature and the lack of transparency of the
intelligence-gathering community permit the Government to say what it
likes to justify Jones' death, and New Zealand's role in US
counter-terrorism. Many voters would have little sympathy for a man
who got caught up with jihadists in a country that the US is actively
targeting.
In
Australia and the US, debate is raging about the policy, which
Scahill calls an "assassination programme". Estimates put
the number of civilian casualties at as many as 2500 - with reports
suggesting that 50 innocents die for every terror suspect.
Controversy
arose with the killing of Anwar al-Awlaki, a US citizen alleged to be
a key al Qaeda figure, by a drone strike in Yemen in 2011. Two weeks
after his death, his teenage son was killed - collateral damage in
another attack. Chillingly, one of Obama's advisers said the teenager
"should have had a more responsible father".
The
Obama Administration agreed to release (some of) the legal advice
justifying the use of lethal force against US citizens during counter
terrorism operations. The -called "Barron memo" argues it
is an act of war, not an execution.
In
which case, New Zealand's spy agencies have quietly joined us up to a
war in Yemen.
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