Kicking
the tyres from beneath New Zealand
Government's
gathering pace, in a way that ought to give us all serious pause -
because it rips apart more than our constitutional fabric.
by Claire Browning
21
May, 2013
“New
Zealand is a remorselessly democratic country.” --
Geoffrey Palmer
In
1977, 341,159 New Zealanders joined the petition of Gwenny Davis to
Parliament.
Known
as the Maruia
Declaration, it said among
its clauses that native forests needed legal protection; that the
wholesale burning of indigenous forests and wildlife had no place in
a civilised country; and that "our remaining publicly owned
native forests should be placed in the hands of an organisation with
a clear and undivided responsibility to protect them".
It
was not accepted by the government of the day (Muldoon).
But
it seeded the establishment of the Department of Conservation 10
years later, along with the Environment Ministry, and Conservation
and Environment Acts, followed by Resource Management and Crown
Minerals laws passed in 1991.
Last
night and this morning, under urgency, Parliament pushed two Bills,
among others, through all of their stages to completion.
“One
great rush of non-stop, orgiastic lawmaking,” as Andrew
Geddis put it - following
hard on the heels of another
post accusing
“the National Government generally (and Justice Minister Judith
Collins in particular) of manifest bad faith regarding electoral
reform”.
One
of the Bills was the Crown Minerals Amendment - amending another
Amendment scrambled through just a month ago, a few weeks after
it had been announced, without benefit of Bill of Rights advice,
public submissions or select committee scrutiny.
Crown
Minerals Amendment (the 2nd, done this morning) allows conditional
permits for operators lacking the immediate expertise and financial
ability to undertake drilling activities - leading Greenpeace to
charge our Prime Minister of misleading
New Zealanders,
with his recent assurances that regulation would be 'world class' and
would not allow 'cowboys' to operate.
It
also extends the purported ban on, and criminalisation of,
anti-oil protest from the waters of our EEZ to the high seas above
the continental shelf, in what may be a breach
of international law.
It
does so in disregard of peer-reviewed
legal advice,
joined and backed by a coalition of 43,000 New Zealanders with more
joining every few minutes as I write, including Forest &
Bird - and Rt Hon Sir Geoffrey Palmer, New Zealander of the Year Dame
Anne Salmond, founder of the Peace Squadron George Armstrong, Peter
Williams QC, and many more - many of whom were involved in
anti-nuclear protesting, at sea, in the 1980s.
"The judiciary's primary function - to declare the meaning of law and its application in particular cases - has been nullified. Furthermore, the judiciary's role as protector of individual citizens in terms of ensuring that they are being treated in accordance with the laws of the land has been removed. While the stakes may be small in the immediate case, this is about as big a deal as it gets in terms of our constitution."
Even
the Attorney-General - unmoved, not to mention rather
spiteful, on
the matter of Crown Minerals -
said that this was in breach of our Bill of Rights.
Taken
on their own, each of these shows some gall.
Taken
together with what follows, it’s indicative of a government
economically desperate - also, drunk on power and growing
in aggression and confidence. A government reckless as to convention
and consequences, kicking the tyres right out from beneath
New Zealand.
It
is an open assault on our values - the 'remorselessly
democratic' character of our people, our few (and fairly casual)
checks and balances on abuse of executive power - the things
that protect everything if you think about it - the democracy,
integrity and unspoiled place that are our New Zealand story.
In
the light of last night's effort, examples which seemed bad
enough no more than a few months ago pale into insignificance.
But what they show is a habit - a habit of kicking the tyres, then
doing it a little bit harder.
Canterbury.
Extension
of ECan powers for a further three years, along with the bungled
exercise of Canterbury Earthquake Recovery emergency powers was
described by Sir Geoffrey Palmer as leaving “a
toxic taste in the constitutional mouth”:
These developments remind me of the excesses of the now repealed National Development Act 1979, the legal leitmotif of the expensive and futile "Think Big" policies of that day. Do not worry about accountability, do not worry about public participation, just get on and do it because the government knows best.
RMA
and local government.
In
the Resource Management Reform Bill 2012, government will
give itself powers to ignore and override the RMA by
regulation - in what is known as a 'Henry VIII clause'.
In
hearings on that, and the Auckland Unitary Plan (where a
government-appointed body will have the effect of limiting appeal
rights), "the Government has shown utter contempt to
submitters at a Select Committee in Auckland this week when many were
given just a handful of minutes to address the committee,"
according toNew
Zealand First's Andrew Williams.
On February
28, Resource
Management Act reform proposals were
announced, which would profoundly change that Act, Ministerial
powers, and people's rights.
These
are powers that would let Ministers step in to rewrite local
plans, or order that a resource consent must go ahead without
public submissions - in response to developers lobbying,
perhaps, or just the latest jobs or infrastructure pet project. It
leaves even
the EMA concerned.
The Act’s most important sections, which govern all decision-making
and outcomes under it, would be rewritten, omitting parts,
and weakening others.
Submissions
closed one month later, on April 2. The Prime Minister says
it will be in force - in
force,
not drafted or introduced - by the end of the year.
Not
merely the rushed nature of the process, but the poverty of
advice - and downright misleading nature of some of the
advice, including crucial claims on which the proposals hinged
- has led Forest & Bird to lay a complaint
with the SSC [pdf].
Earlier,
Porirua mayor Nick Leggett had written here
on Pundit on
the Key-led government's assaults on local democracy:
"For its part, the Beehive has shown itself willing to use selective data and extreme examples as a pretext for ideologically-driven reforms, endangering an entire tier of democratic governance in the process".
Intelligence
and security.
Government
is about to rush through, under urgency with a shortened select
committee process, sweeping new intelligence-gathering powers for the
GCSB (Government Communications Security Bureau). It is a change
in the brief for that organisation - conferring domestic
powers, no longer confined to foreign intelligence, with a totally
rewritten set of objectives - done on Prime
Ministerial warrant.
DOC.
On
March 26, a total restructuring of DOC was announced, splitting the
organisation at mid-level into conservation and
'partnership' limbs. Inside a month (12 working days'
consultation, followed by a decision within a week), the decision was
confirmed.
Forest
& Bird Ambassador Gerry McSweeney has blogged on why that's
a breach
of trust with the West Coast;
others including an independent inquiry
Reflecting
back on the Maruia Declaration, it's a breach of trust withNew
Zealand.
"The social contract between the NZ government and the West
Coast was that in exchange for forest protection, central government
would fund proper management of these areas for conservation and
recreation," McSweeney writes.
I’m
going to take a wild punt, and suggest that there is no light at the
end of the tunnel yet, other than that of an oncoming train:
- Already, Environment Minister Amy Adams has passed an EEZ law that fails to meet UNCLOS (international law of the sea) requirements. Now, she wonders whether New Zealanders should even be allowed to make submissions on deepwater oil exploration (the Deepwater Horizon, which exploded in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, was an exploration rig). EEZ regulations coming soon will push the boundaries of what is permitted, even by the government's own weak Act.
- One of the cornerstone Acts left untouched so far, Conservation Act changes are on their way. Through local Boards, consultation and decision-making structures set up under this and the National Parks Act involved others than Ministers and bureaucrats - ironically, they were about partnership. More recently I've heard DOC Director-General Al Morrison describe them as a sort of historical accident - an anachronism, that gets in the way. I suspect that the new structure, now being implemented, challenges Conservation Act priorities.
It's
in defiance of everything - history, our story, he tangata -
the people. It's a culture of derision: for quality of advice,
genuine consultation, due process, checks and balances on power, for
law and promises made - for 30 years of a social contract
arrived at before some of us were even born, or still in short
trousers - for the things that make us - for what
is basic in our society (hat
tip: Geddis).
I
mention the Maruia Declaration, because what is being
broken to pieces here is not just 'the constitution' - an
abstract thing, which we don't even have written down.
We,
the people, told our Parliament what we wanted for New Zealand
environmentally-speaking, and were heard. But the things that
happened next are right at the top of the list of things
that are, one by one, very systematically, being re-examined and
taken apart - mistaken for obstacles rather than
foundations.
Taken
separately or together, it ought to be reason for serious
pause. But far from pause, our government is gathering
speed.
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