Feds
debate releasing Clinton's FBI interview
Congress
wants documents from email probe, but some insist it's wrong to make
interrogations and deliberations public.
13
August, 2016
The
Obama administration is urgently debating how to respond to
congressional demands for the official report on Hillary Clinton's
three-and-a-half-hour interview at FBI headquarters, as some inside
and outside government raise concerns about giving lawmakers access
to politically sensitive records of the FBI's investigation into
Hillary Clinton's private email system.
During
congressional testimony last month, FBI Director James Comey promised
to respond promptly to lawmakers' requests for the interview
summaries known as "302s" for Clinton and other witnesses,
as well as other information gathered in the course of the year-long
FBI probe.
"I'll
commit to giving you everything I can possibly give you under the law
and to doing it as quickly as possible," Comey told the House
Oversight and Government Reform Committee July 7.
Oversight
Committee Chairman Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah) sent Comey a letter the
same day requesting the entire "investigative file" on the
Clinton email issue. Senate Homeland Security and Government Affairs
Committee Chairman Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) also asked Comey for all 302
reports related to the case, requesting that they be turned over by
the end of last month.
Comey
and the FBI are pressing to send at least some of the requested
information to the Hill soon, but others in government have stepped
in to question such a move, officials tracking the debate said.
Among
those involved in the discussions are State Department officials,
since many of those interviewed in the FBI probe are current or
former State employees.
A
State spokeswoman denied her agency has objected to any disclosure of
interview transcripts to Congress, but acknowledged that State has
asked to be informed about what FBI plans to send to the Hill.
"The
State Department has cooperated — and will continue to cooperate —
with the FBI every step of the way. We support and understand the
FBI’s desire to provide information to Congress. Any suggestion to
the contrary is false," State Department Director of Press
Relations Elizabeth Trudeau said in a statement.
"The
State Department has asked the FBI that we be kept apprised of
information to be provided to Congress that contains sensitive
information related to State Department equities and for an
opportunity to review it. Such an opportunity for review is in
keeping with the standard interagency review process when dealing
with another agency’s documents or equities," Trudeau added.
She noted that in relevant cases State checks in with the FBI before
sending information to Congress or making it public under the Freedom
of Information Act.
Comey
has already faced criticism both for the unusual public statement he
made about the conclusion of the Clinton email probe and for the
decision not to recommend prosecution in the case. Whatever the FBI
turns over, or chooses not to turn over, seems certain to trigger
another round of political recriminations.
Some
former Justice Department officials said the FBI should not be
opening its files to members of Congress.
"The
Justice Department would be right to be concerned about the effect
that disclosure will have in the future on people being candid with
investigators," said former Assistant Attorney General for
Legislative Affairs Ron Weich, now dean at the University of
Baltimore Law School. "It's important that the FBI and Justice
Department be able to gather evidence and deliberate about potential
culpability without fearing that material will be viewed by the
public ... Congress needs to stay out of law enforcement. Their job
is to pass laws and the executive branch's job is to carry them out.
For me, this is very straightforward."
Justice
Department prosecutors' statements and thoughts about the Clinton
probe could be among the requested FBI materials, since prosecutors
were present at the interview with Clinton and asked questions, and
court records indicate prosecutors interacted with Justice's National
Security Division as the probe progressed.
"Really,
the Hill wants to second-guess the investigation. Congress wants to
put on their Sherlock Holmes hats and decide whether Hillary Clinton
should've been indicted," Weich added.
At
the moment, it's unclear what role the Justice Department is playing
in the disclosure debate.
"I'm
sure this is causing a lot of consternation at main Justice,"
said Anne Weismann, a former Justice Department official now with the
non-profit Campaign for Accountability.
The
FBI is part of the Justice Department but has traditionally operated
with more autonomy than other agencies. When Comey made his unusual,
15-minute press statement last month announcing that he was
recommending no prosecution over the Clinton emails, he proudly said
he had not sought approval for his decision to speak out about the
FBI's findings.
"I
have not coordinated or reviewed this statement in any way with the
Department of Justice or any other part of the government. They do
not know what I am about to say," Comey said.
During
a House Judiciary Committee hearing last month, Attorney General
Loretta Lynch repeatedly noted that Comey's statement departed from
the way Justice usually handles cases that result in no charges.
However, she never clearly said if she agreed with his decision to
speak out or not and she declined to add any detail beyond what Comey
stated.
"I
believe the FBI has provided extraordinary clarity and insight,"
Lynch said.
However,
some former officials said Lynch is unlikely to seek to block
disclosure in the email saga—in part because of the uproar over her
meeting with President Bill Clinton just days before his wife's FBI
interview.
Spokespeople
for the Justice Department and the FBI declined to comment for this
story.
A
House Oversight Committee spokesperson said discussions with the FBI
are ongoing, but declined to elaborate.
Release
of the interviews Clinton and others gave during the investigation
could be also complicated by classification issues. During his
testimony last month, Comey indicated Clinton's interview got into
some of the classified matters investigators determined were
discussed in her email, making the interview itself classified as Top
Secret, Sensitive Compartmented Information.
"For
example, the 302 of Secretary Clinton, it's classified at the TS/SCI
level. We got to sort through all that. But we’ll do it, we’ll do
it quickly," Comey said.
The
FBI could send a redacted copy to the Hill in unclassified form, but
that would surely generate charges that the most damaging or
exculpatory portions of the interview were being kept from the
public. Sending it to Congress in classified form would be sure to
prompt leaks, as well as claims and counter-claims about whether
Clinton contradicted her prior public statements.
One
former Justice Department official warned against rushing the process
for political reasons.
"Justice
should go through its usual process, taking into account interagency
equities, the fact that much of the file would be classified, and the
relevant precedents for dealing with these requests," said
former Justice spokesman Matthew Miller. "What they absolutely
should not do is short circuit that process just because of political
pressure from the Hill. Hillary Clinton shouldn’t be treated any
worse than any other American just because Republicans want to keep
politicizing this case.”
Each
side in the debate can point to precedents for keeping investigative
records in high-profile cases secret or for making them public.
Republican
lawmakers have noted that the House was provided with 302s and other
records from the FBI's now-closed investigation into the political
targeting of non-profit groups at the IRS. And in 2011, Attorney
General Eric Holder provided Congress with records about internal
Justice Department deliberations related to the aftermath of the Fast
and Furious gunrunning operation.
However,
Justice has dug in its heels on other matters similar in some
respects to the Clinton email probe
When
Congress demanded access to interviews with senior George W. Bush
White House officials interviewed in connection with the leak of a
CIA operative's identity, the Justice Department resisted many of the
requests, with Attorney General Michael Mukasey eventually persuading
Bush to invoke executive privilege. Mukasey warned that granting the
request "would chill deliberations among future White House
officials and impede future Department of Justice criminal
investigations involving official White House conduct."
FBI
302 reports are routinely turned over to criminal defendants and
often discussed or shown at trials. However, in certain cases, the
Justice Department has fought making them public, even in closed
investigations.
Justice
has argued that when FBI agents are working closely with prosecutors,
the agents should be considered part of the prosecutors' deliberative
process and their 302 reports should be protected as attorney "work
product" even though those interviewed know what they were asked
and how they answered. Such an argument was successfully used to
shield records of the investigation into the deaths of detainees in
CIA custody, although a court case on the issue is still pending.
But
some of Justice's more theoretical arguments against disclosure may
have already been mooted by Comey's detailed press statement and his
marathon, four-and-a-half hour House testimony last month. The FBI
director may have laid bare so much of the process and of Clinton's
testimony that—for better or worse—he doomed efforts to limit
disclosure about the probe.
As
Comey said during the session: "I'm a big fan of transparency."
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