Why
US fracking companies are licking their lips over Ukraine
From
climate change to Crimea, the natural gas industry is supreme at
exploiting crisis for private gain – what I call the shock doctrine
Naomi
Klein
10
April, 2014
The
way to beat Vladimir Putin is to flood the European market with
fracked-in-the-USA natural gas, or so the industry would have us
believe. As part of escalating anti-Russian hysteria, two bills have
been introduced into the US Congress – one in the House of
Representatives (H.R.
6),
one in the Senate (S.
2083)
– that attempt to fast-track liquefied natural gas (LNG) exports,
all in the name of helping Europe to wean itself from Putin's fossil
fuels, and enhancing US national security.
According
to Cory Gardner, the Republican congressman who introduced the House
bill, "opposing this legislation is like hanging up on a 911
call from our friends and allies". And that might be true – as
long as your friends and allies work at Chevron and Shell, and the
emergency is the need to keep profits up amid dwindling supplies of
conventional oil and gas.
For
this ploy to work, it's important not to look too closely at details.
Like the fact that much of the gas probably won't make it to Europe –
because what the bills allow is for gas to be sold on the world
market to any country belonging to the World Trade Organisation.
Or
the fact that for years the industry has been selling the message
that Americans must accept the risks
to their land, water and air that come with hydraulic fracturing
(fracking) in order to help their country achieve "energy
independence". And now, suddenly and slyly, the goal has been
switched to "energy security", which apparently means
selling a temporary glut of fracked gas on the world market, thereby
creating energy dependencies abroad.
And
most of all, it's important not to notice that building the
infrastructure necessary to export gas on this scale would take many
years in permitting and construction – a single LNG terminal can
carry a $7bn price tag, must be fed by a massive, interlocking web of
pipelines and compressor stations, and requires its own power plant
just to generate energy sufficient to liquefy the gas through
super-cooling. By the time these massive industrial projects are up
and running, Germany and Russia may well be fast friends. But by then
few will remember that the crisis in Crimea was the excuse seized
upon by the gas industry to make its longstanding export dreams come
true, regardless of the consequences to the communities getting
fracked or to the planet getting cooked.
I
call this knack for exploiting crisis for private gain the shock
doctrine, and it shows no signs of retreating. We all know how the
shock doctrine works: during times of crisis, whether real or
manufactured, our elites are able to ram through unpopular policies
that are detrimental to the majority under cover of emergency. Sure
there are objections – from climate scientists warning of the
potent warming powers of methane, or local communities that don't
want these high-risk export ports on their beloved coasts. But who
has time for debate? It's an emergency! A 911 call ringing! Pass the
laws first, think about them later.
Plenty
of industries are good at this ploy, but none is more adept at
exploiting the rationality-arresting properties of crisis than the
global gas sector.
For
the past four years the gas lobby has used the economic crisis in
Europe to tell countries like Greece that the way out of debt and
desperation is to open their beautiful and fragile seas to drilling.
And it has employed similar arguments to rationalise fracking across
North America and the United Kingdom.
Now
the crisis du jour is conflict in Ukraine, being used as a battering
ram to knock down sensible restrictions on natural gas exports and
push through a controversial free-trade deal with Europe. It's quite
a deal: more corporate free-trade polluting economies and more
heat-trapping gases polluting the atmosphere – all as a response to
an energy crisis that is largely manufactured.
Against
this backdrop it's worth remembering – irony of ironies – that
the crisis the natural gas industry has been most adept at exploiting
is climate change itself.
Never
mind that the industry's singular solution to the climate crisis is
to dramatically expand an extraction process in fracking that
releases massive amounts of climate-destabilising methane into our
atmosphere. Methane is one of the most potent greenhouse gases – 34
times more powerful at trapping heat than carbon dioxide,
according to the latest estimates by the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change. And that is over a 100-year period, with methane's
power dwindling over time.
It's
far more relevant, argues the Cornell University biochemist Robert
Howarth, one of the world's leading experts on methane emissions, to
look at the impact in the 15- to 20-year range, when methane has a
global-warming potential that is a staggering 86-100 times greater
than carbon dioxide. "It is in this time frame that we risk
locking ourselves into very rapid warming," he said on
Wednesday.
And
remember: you don't build multibillion-dollar pieces of
infrastructure unless you plan on using them for at least 40 years.
So we are responding to the crisis of our warming planet by
constructing a network of ultra-powerful atmospheric ovens. Are we
mad?
Not
that we know how much methane is actually released by drilling and
fracking and all their attendant infrastructure. Even while the
natural gas industry touts its "lower than coal!" carbon
dioxide emissions, it has never systematically measured its fugitive
methane leaks, which waft from every stage of the gas extraction,
processing, and distribution process – from the well casings and
the condenser valves to the cracked pipelines under Harlem
neighbourhoods. The gas industry itself, in 1981, came up with the
clever pitch that natural gas was a "bridge" to a clean
energy future. That was 33 years ago. Long bridge. And the far bank
still nowhere in view.
And
in 1988 – the year that the climatologist James
Hansen warned Congress,
in historic testimony, about the urgent problem of global warming –
the American Gas Association began to explicitly frame its product as
a response to the "greenhouse effect". It wasted no time,
in other words, selling itself as the solution to a global crisis
that it had helped create.
The
industry's use of the crisis in Ukraine to expand its global market
under the banner of "energy security" must be seen in the
context of this uninterrupted record of crisis opportunism. Only this
time many more of us know where true energy security lies. Thanks to
the work
of top researchers such as Mark Jacobson and his Stanford team,
we know that the world can, by the year 2030, power itself entirely
with renewables. And thanks to the latest, alarming reports from the
IPCC, we know that doing so is now an existential imperative.
This
is the infrastructure we need to be rushing to build – not massive
industrial projects that will lock us into further dependency on
dangerous fossil fuels for decades into the future. Yes, these fuels
are still needed during the transition, but more than enough
conventionals are on hand to carry us through: extra-dirty extraction
methods such as tar sands and fracking are simply not necessary. As
Jacobson said in an interview just this week: "We don't need
unconventional fuels to produce the infrastructure to convert to
entirely clean and renewable wind, water and solar power for all
purposes. We can rely on the existing infrastructure plus the new
infrastructure [of renewable generation] to provide the energy for
producing the rest of the clean infrastructure that we'll need ...
Conventional oil and gas is much more than enough."
Given
this, it's up to Europeans to turn their desire for emancipation from
Russian gas into a demand for an accelerated transition to
renewables. Such a transition – to which European nations are
committed under the Kyoto
protocol
– can easily be sabotaged if the world market is flooded with cheap
fossil fuels fracked from the US bedrock. And indeed Americans
Against Fracking,
which is leading the charge against the fast-tracking of LNG exports,
is working closely with its European counterparts to prevent this
from happening.
Responding
to the threat of catastrophic warming is our most pressing energy
imperative. And we simply can't afford to be distracted by the
natural gas industry's latest crisis-fuelled marketing ploy
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