Almost
lost within the other headlines
58
arrested as BNP and anti-fascists clash in London protest
Police
attend demonstration with sniffer dogs in attempts to calm situation
1 June, 2013
The
majority of those arrested are thought to have been supporters of
United Against Fascism, and the BNP group cheered as handcuffed
demonstrators were led onto a red double decker bus which had
“Special Service” as its destination.
The
fighting came despite calls for peace from police and the family of
soldier Lee Rigby, who was hacked to death in Woolwich last month in
what police are treating as a terrorist attack.
One
BNP supporter who suffered a large cut to his nose said: “I've put
my best suit on today and come out for a peaceful demonstration and
this is what's happened. And to think they call us thugs!”
BNP
activists holding banners saying “hate preachers out” were
heavily outnumbered by anti-fascists with “smash the BNP” and
“say no to Islamaphobia” signage.
The
group of counter-protesters chanted “fascist scum” and “you
racist Nazis” at their rivals.
Nick
Griffin, whose party was banned by police from protesting in Woolwich
over fears of “serious disruption to the life of the community”
and the potential for “serious disorder”, arrived at around
2.30pm to the sound of the national anthem.
The
BNP leader said the tragic murder of Lee Rigby would not be an
“isolated” incident, adding: “We're pointing out that it will
happen again and again and again until the West disengages with Islam
and they leave our country.”
Dozens
of police attended the demonstration, accompanied by sniffer dogs
deployed to calm the situation as tempers flared.
Scotland
Yard said that the anti-fascists had gathered in a pre-arranged
penned area - but some were unwilling to remain within that area.
A
spokesman said: “Due to police concerns about serious disruption to
the life of the community, and the potential for serious disorder
should this counter protest confront the BNP organised protest,
police have imposed conditions under Section 14 of the Public Order
Act.
“Those
conditions state that the protest must take place in Whitehall
Gardens junction with Whitehall.
“A
group of about 300, also believed to be part of the UAF protest, were
stopped in Old Palace Yard junction with Abdingdon Street.
“This
group have now been notified of the conditions imposed under Section
14 and requested to move to Whitehall Gardens to continue their
protest. Officers are in negotiation with this group.”
Those
held by police were arrested for breach of the Section 14 order.
Golden
Dawn: 'Greece belongs to Greeks. Long live victory!'
EU
criticises the establishment's failure to deal with violence in a
country suffering from effects of harsh budget cuts
1
June, 2013
It
wasn't just that their symbols looked like swastikas. Or that
thousands of Greek flags filled the marble square beneath the
Acropolis. Or that they were marking the 560th anniversary of the
fall of Constantinople.
It
was that there were so many of them. Angry men and angry women
furiously screaming "Greece belongs to Greeks" in the heart
of ancient Athens, as tourists – some befuddled, some shocked –
looked on or fled at the sight of neo-Nazis coming to town.
"Now
we are in the thousands," thundered Nikos Michaloliakos, the
bespectacled mathematician who leads Greece's far-right Golden Dawn
party. "Long live victory!"
Like
the soldiers on whom they model themselves, the Greeks who subscribe
to the ultra-nationalist, neo-fascist dogma of Golden Dawn are the
first to say they are at war. This week, as Antonis Samaras's
coalition government struggled to contain an escalating crisis over
efforts to curb the extremists, it was they who appeared to be
winning that war.
Amid
a dramatic surge in attacks on immigrants blamed on the neo-Nazis,
the debt-stricken country's ruling alliance has come under
unprecedented pressure to crack down on racially motivated crimes.
Legislation calling for a ban on parties perceived to incite such
violence was proposed by prime minister Samaras's two junior leftist
partners last month. Claiming that it would "victimise"
Golden Dawn, which has 18 of the 300 MPs in parliament, the
conservative groups last week rejected the bill as counterproductive.
On Friday they put forward their own, less punitive law.
As
parliament prepares to debate how best to apply legislation that will
curb the party, – measures that have unexpectedly electrified the
political scene – the far right is flourishing in the knowledge
that, in a country reeling from the twin ills of austerity and
despair, it is they who are in the ascendant. Since elections last
year, Golden Dawn's appeal has almost doubled, with successive polls
showing support of between 11% and 12% for the neo-fascists.
Privately pollsters acknowledge that, as Greece's third-strongest and
fastest-growing political force, the group could garner as much as
15% of support in local elections next year.
"It
is wrong to believe that they are an ephemeral phenomenon," said
Professor Dimitris Kerides, who teaches political science at Athens'
Panteion University. "They are not only a product of this
country's economic crisis. There is something sick in Greek society
that Golden Dawn expresses," he added, referring to the rise in
"Greek-only" blood banks and food rallies organised by the
extremists. "They are here to stay. And as of 2014 they are
going to be everywhere, with access to state resources because, for
sure, they will win seats in municipal elections and, in some towns,
place mayors."
Emboldened
by success, the neo-Nazis have become ever more visible. Across
Greece, party branches have been opened at a record pace, with pupils
actively recruited in schools. In villages, black-clad supporters
proudly sporting the party's insignia have proliferated, and in the
southern Peloponnese, traditionally a stronghold of the right, Golden
Dawn graffiti are scrawled over the roads and even rocks that dot the
landscape of seaside resorts and archaeological sites.
Racially
motivated violence has soared to such a degree that European
officials blasted Greece for failing to take adequate action. Nils
Muižnieks, the European commissioner for human rights, recently felt
moved to point out that democracy was at risk in the birthplace of
democracy because of "the upsurge in hate crime and a weak state
response". It was vital, he said, that domestic and
international anti-racism laws were enforced to crack down on
violence that had been "linked to members or supporters,
including parliamentarians, of the neo-Nazi political party Golden
Dawn".
The
Greek police and justice systems – both of which have been accused
of colluding with the extremists – also had to be reformed, he
said.
Indicative
of the far right's growing political grip, the conservatives fear
that legislation proposed by their leftwing partners will further
alienate traditional voters who have migrated to Golden Dawn in
disgust at the political establishment blamed for the country's
crisis. The party's spectacular rise has been attributed, in part, to
defections from the Greek orthodox church and the army.
"The
whole thing is a mess," said Dimitris Psarras, an investigative
journalist who has followed the group since its incipiency on the
collapse of military rule in 1974. "Even if the law is passed,
the message that is conveyed is that democracy is divided in knowing
what to do with this neo-Nazi threat." For too long, said
Psarras, Greeks had watched with complacency as the far-right group
went from strength to strength.
Just
as in Weimar Germany, when Hitler's National Socialist German
Workers' party rose from obscurity, opponents have remained eerily
quiet. Until last week, when the 92-year-old poet Nanos Valaoritis
deplored Golden Dawn as "having all the characteristics of the
party which led Germany to destruction", few in Greece's
political or intellectual elite had been willing to take on the
extremists.
The
lack of public debate has added to the mystique of an organisation
whose workings remain opaque. The local media appears to have missed
the story of Golden Dawn. To this day, the party's financial backers
and advisers remain shrouded in secrecy.
"Few
in the establishment have openly addressed the danger of Golden Dawn
and almost no one in the media has looked into it," lamented
Psarras. "Only now is it being taken seriously, but in my mind
that could be too late."
Capitalising
on the deep wells of antipathy towards mainstream politicians, the
far right has begun targeting the middle class. In recent months
Golden Dawn offices have appeared in affluent areas around Athens.
Greece's
petit bourgeoisie of shopkeepers and small businessmen has, like
civil servants, suffered most from crushing budget cuts demanded by
the EU and IMF in return for emergency aid.
In
an atmosphere thick with resentment and rage, immigrants from Asia
and Africa have made easy scapegoats, with growing numbers of Greeks
blaming foreigners for the country's record rate of unemployment –
at over 27%, the worst in the eurozone.
"Anger
always wants a target," said the prominent clinical
psychologist, Dr Iphigenia Macri. "Golden Dawn provides a
target, which is immigrants. It is targeting all that anger and sense
of abuse that, collectively, Greek people feel at the hands of the
government and state."
In
a bid to keep passions at bay among a population that reached boiling
point long ago, the government has desperately tried to convince
Greeks that, three years after the onset of their worst crisis in
modern times, there is "light at the end of the tunnel".
Optimism has been propelled by economic progress.
However,
the neo-Nazis' rise defies any notion that all is well. "The
victorious party is Golden Dawn," said political commentator
Nikos Xydakis. "Real life is very removed from the success story
the government is selling. The neo-Nazis have succeeded not only in
demystifying brutality; they are a reflection of the fear and poverty
in this country."
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