I notice the line about Erdogan "losing his patience is repeated uncritically by mainstream media
Erdogan
Opts for War
By:
Mustafa Akyol for Al-Monitor Turkey Pulse
10
June, 2013
Since
the beginning of the mass protests against the Turkish government
some 12 days ago, all Turkish statesmen who spoke on the topic made
conciliatory statements — from President Abdullah Gül to İstanbul
Mayor Kadir Topbaş, from Vice Prime Minister Bülent Arinç to
İstanbul governor Hüseyin Avni Mutlu.
However, at the end, all of
their softening messages were swept aside by a very notable
exception: Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Since
his return to Turkey from North Africa on the night of Thursday, June
6, Erdoğan has made at least half a dozen public speeches to
cheerful audiences, which are made up of his core supporters. In all
of them, he was defiant, uncompromising, and often heated. He
promised that he would move on with this controversial Taksim
project, and kept on condemning the “looters” in the streets who
opposed it. (He had a point; some protestors really engaged in
vandalism, but Erdoğan’s willing inability to see the peaceful
unrest only heightens the tension.) He also condemned the “interest
(usury) lobby” and “those who want to halt Turkey’s progress”
— mythical forces that Erdoğan and his cadre blame for
orchestrating the protests in the streets.
Worse,
Erdoğan said on Sunday, June 9, that he has been “patient enough”
with the protesters, and can soon “talk to them in the way they
understand.” This probably means that he can, once again, unleash
the police on the thousands who have turned the Gezi Park, where all
this tension began, into a camp. This also means that clashes between
the police and the protesters, which have calmed down to some extent
thanks to President Gül and other moderate officials, may re-emerge,
pushing Turkey into a deeper tension.
But
why does Erdoğan do this? Why does he opt for a political war with a
part of this own nation rather than peace and reconciliation?
I
have three answers: The first is Erdoğan’s personality. He has
made his career as a brave and defiant leader who never bows down to
anybody. This was very helpful to Turkey when that “anybody” was
the military, who had kept on curbing Turkish democracy for decades.
But when that “anybody” is just ordinary people on the streets,
Erdoğan’s boldness becomes a recipe for conflict.
This
particular personality has been further sharpened by Erdoğan’s
increasingly personal power over the past decade — “Power
corrupts,” as Lord Acton once put it. Erdoğan’s purely
majoritarian understanding of democracy — whoever gets the majority
calls all the shots — also makes matters worse. The result is a
leader who understands the implementation of democracy mainly as the
exercise of his own elected, but unlimited, power.
The
second answer is Turkish political culture, which is a perfect fit
for venerating patriarchal personalities. This is a culture which
loves all-knowing and all-powerful leaders who go after their
opponents relentlessly. (Other examples are Atatürk, “the father
of the Turks,” and Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed leader of many
Kurds.) That is why when Erdoğan condemns his opponents with the
harshest words, he gets the most enthusiastic applause from his fans.
Another
aspect of Turkish political culture — an addiction to conspiracy
theories — is also at work at here. Just like the Kemalists that
they have defeated, Erdoğan and his propagandists explain away all
the negative reaction they receive from society by coming up with
imaginary plots by imaginary forces. The result of this particular
way of seeing the world is infinite self-righteousness and zero
self-criticism.
Finally,
there is the political strategy of Erdoğan. He knows that
polarization of Turkish society on primordial values — religion
being the core — has helped him in the past decade, and he probably
wants to repeat that in the weeks and months to come. There are local
elections in seven months, which will not change the central
government but will be a major indicator for the presidential and
parliamentary elections that will follow. Apparently, Erdoğan’s
goal is to win yet another victory before those local elections —
against the protesters and all the mythical forces behind them —
and thus secure an even larger election victory.
However,
this is a very risky game. Nobody knows what will happen if the
clashes between the police and the protesters reignite, and if more
deaths occur. (Three people, one of them from the police, already
lost their lives.) Also, nobody knows how badly the economy — the
prime reason for Erdoğan’s electoral success — will be hurt.
Worse, I doubt even Erdoğan knows what he will do if all these risks
turn into reality and Turkey gets sunk in a much deeper crisis.
UPDATE:
On the evening of June 10, Vice Prime Minister Bülent Arinç
announced that Erdoğan will meet with the representatives of the
protesters in Gezi Park on Wednesday, June 12. This is a better step
forward on the side of the government, and shows that the tendency to
raise the tension is partly balanced with the willingness to
reconcile.
But
we will see what happens on Wednesday. This might be the last chance
for a peaceful resolution to the crisis.
Mustafa
Akyol is a contributing writer for Al-Monitor's Turkey Pulse, and a
columnist for two Turkish newspapers, Hürriyet Daily News and Star.
His articles have also appeared in Foreign Affairs, Newsweek, The New
York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and The
Guardian.

No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.