Looks like the Italians voted for the "wrong" crowd.
Moody's Puts Italy On Downgrade Review, Junk Rating Possible
25
May, 2018
In
a quite direct 'threat' to the newly formed Italian
coalition, Moody's
warned that Italy will face a downgrade from its current Baa2
rating (potentially
more than one notch to junk status) due
to the lack of fiscal restraint in the new "contract" and
the potential for delays to Italy's structural reforms.
While
Italy's current rating is Baa2, and a downgrade would leave it at
Baa3 (still investment grade), one look at Italian debt markets this
week and one can be forgiven for thinking it is pricing in a
multiple-notch downgrade to junk... and thus potentially making
things awkward for its ECB bond-buying-benefactor and its banking
system's massive holdings of sovereign bonds.
Full
Moody's Report:
Moody's
Investors Service has today placed the Government of Italy's ratings
on review for possible downgrade. Ratings
placed under review are the Baa2 long-term issuer and senior
unsecured bond ratings as well as the (P) Baa2 medium-term MTN
programme, the (P)Baa2 senior unsecured shelf, the Commercial Paper
and other short-term ratings of Prime-2/(P) Prime-2 respectively.
The
key drivers for today's initiation of the review for downgrade are as
follows:
1. The significant risk of a material weakening in Italy's fiscal strength, given the fiscal plans of the new coalition government; and
2. The risk that the structural reform effort stalls, and that past reforms such as the pension reforms implemented in 2011 are reversed.
Moody's
will use the review period to assess the impact of the fiscal and
economic policy platform of the new government on Italy's credit
profile, with a particular focus on the effect on the deficit and
debt trajectories in the coming years. The review will also allow
Moody's to assess further whether the new government intends to
continue to pursue growth-enhancing structural reforms, or conversely
to reverse earlier reforms, such as the 2011 pension reform, as well
as other economic policy initiatives in the coming months that may
have an incidence on the country's growth potential over the coming
years.
Italy's
long-term and short-term foreign-currency bond and deposit ceilings
remain unchanged at Aa2 and P-1, respectively. Italy's long-term
local-currency bond and deposit ceilings also remain unchanged at
Aa2.
RATINGS
RATIONALE
RATIONALE
FOR PLACING RATING ON REVIEW FOR DOWNGRADE
On
23 May, more than two months after the general elections on 4 March,
the president mandated the prime ministerial candidate put forward by
the Five Star Movement (5SM) and the Lega to form a coalition
government. Together, the two parties command a reasonably solid
majority in the lower house and a narrower majority in the upper
house, and should therefore receive a vote of confidence in both
chambers of parliament, with the votes likely to take place in the
coming days.
When
Moody's affirmed Italy's rating with a negative outlook in October
2017, the rating agency noted that Italy's key credit vulnerability
is the government's very high debt burden. Moody's explained that it
would consider stabilizing the Baa2 rating if it had a high level of
confidence that the debt ratio would be put onto a sustained downward
trend, which would require a reorientation of fiscal policy towards
achieving higher primary surpluses on a sustained basis.
Conversely,
Moody's stated that the rating would likely be downgraded if policies
enacted or anticipated proved insufficient to place the public debt
ratio on a sustainable, downward trajectory in the coming years.
The first
key driver of
today's decision to place the rating on review is Moody's concern
that the new government's fiscal plans suggest that the latter will
indeed be the case.
Far
from offering the prospect of further fiscal consolidation, the
"contract" for government signed by the two parties
includes potentially costly tax and spending measures, without any
clear proposals on how to fund those. While
Moody's notes that some of the coalition parties' original proposals
have been modified in the final coalition agreement, they would still
lead to a weaker, not a stronger, fiscal position going forward. So
far, Moody's has assumed a gradual deficit reduction over the coming
years, which in turn would allow for a very gradual decline in the
public debt ratio.
The
review will allow Moody's to seek more clarity on the new
government's plans in this regard, and in particular on the scope of
the tax and spending pledges, specifically the "flat tax"
and "citizen income" proposals, as well as their potential
financing sources and the timeline for their implementation. The
parties have also stated their intention to avoid the legislated
increase in the VAT rate for next year, which would bring additional
revenues worth around 0.7% of GDP. Higher budget deficits would
hamper any reduction in Italy's very high public debt ratio of over
130% of GDP.
At
the time of the last rating action, Moody's also noted that the
outlook could be stabilized if a more ambitious programme of
structural reforms were to be implemented, which would result in a
sustainably stronger growth performance of the Italian economy.
Conversely, a failure to articulate and present a credible structural
reform agenda would put downward pressure on the rating.
A second
driver of
today's action is Moody's concern that, again, the latter will in
fact be the case, and indeed that some important past reforms might
be reversed. The
rating agency will therefore also use the review period to assess
some of the new government's other pledges contained in the coalition
agreement. The agency will explore what - if any - plans the
government has to continue, in some form, the reform effort of the
previous governments with further growth-enhancing economic and
fiscal reforms.
A
particular focus will be on the possible reversal of earlier reforms,
such as the 2011 "Fornero" pension reform. In that
particular case, marginal corrections with limited impact are not a
source of concern. But a more generalized reduction in the retirement
age would have a more material impact on the sustainability of the
pension system. Moody's notes that Italy already spends close to 16%
of GDP on pensions, one of the highest ratios in advanced economies.
While current long-term estimates forecast relatively stable pension
spending as a share of GDP over the coming decades -- in contrast to
some other EU countries -- those estimates rely on optimistic
assumptions for population growth and employment trends. Rather than
a reduction in the retirement age, Italy will probably require
additional measures to maintain pension spending at a broadly stable
ratio.
RATIONALE
FOR NOT LOWERING ITALY'S Baa2 RATING AT THIS TIME
Moody's
recognizes that there inevitably exists substantial uncertainty
whenever a new government is formed regarding that government's
intentions and capacity. Italy
has maintained reasonably solid public finances for a long period of
time and under different governments. Moody's notes that the parties
forming the new government seem to have accepted the need to maintain
small budget deficits, given the limited fiscal space due to the very
high debt ratio. It is also noteworthy that the new government's
"contract" does not include previous proposals that raised
questions about the government's commitment to Italy's euro
membership. More time is needed to assess what policies the new
government is in fact likely and able to pursue.
The
rating is also supported, for now at least, by the very low risk of a
severe deterioration in Italy's credit profile, such as could result
from a far more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the euro area.
Strong checks and balances and constitutional constraints exist which
would impede any government from seeking to achieve fundamental
changes to its role in, or obligations towards, the euro area in a
way that would damage Italy's credit profile. The Italian president
holds significant power in ensuring that any Italian government
honours its international commitments including those assumed by dint
of membership of the euro area.
Accordingly, while some of the above
mentioned spending and tax plans place further doubt over Italy's
willingness and ability to meet its obligations under the EU fiscal
compact and balanced budget rules, the risk of much more credit
negative outcomes, up to and including exit from the euro area,
remains very low.
The
risk of a government liquidity crisis is also low, in Moody's view.
The government's outstanding debt has a reasonably long average
maturity (around seven years), debt management is very prudent and
experienced, and while borrowing needs are substantial for this year
and next (at around 22% of GDP), even significantly higher interest
rates for newly issued debt would take a number of years to be
reflected in materially higher government spending on debt interest.
Monetary policy will remain an important support for government bond
yields in all the euro area countries, including Italy.
Moody's
also notes that the Italian economy maintains significant underlying
strengths and has been recovering from a prolonged period of very low
growth. Italy's economy is the third-largest in the euro area and its
export and manufacturing sectors have experienced a solid recovery in
recent quarters. While the public sector is highly indebted, the
private sector generally has a much stronger balance sheet position.
Leverage is low and households in particular have significant wealth
and high levels of savings, an important buffer in a situation of
stress.
WHAT
COULD CHANGE THE RATING DOWN/UP
Rating
drivers are essentially unchanged from the time of the previous
action. Moody's
would likely downgrade the rating if, having assessed the new
government's proposed policies during the review, it were to conclude
that its policies will be insufficient to place the public debt ratio
on a sustainable, downward trajectory in the coming years. A
failure to articulate and present a credible structural reform agenda
which would enhance Italy's economic growth prospects on a sustained
basis, would be similarly negative for the rating.
Given
the review, an
upgrade is highly unlikely in the near future.
Moody's would consider confirming the Baa2 rating if, following the
review, it had a high level of confidence that the debt ratio would
be put onto a sustained downward trend. As before, this would require
a reorientation of fiscal policy towards achieving higher primary
surpluses on a sustained basis. The rating could also be confirmed if
an ambitious programme of structural reforms were to be implemented
by the new government, which would result in a sustainably stronger
growth performance of the Italian economy.
The
committee was called outside of the sovereign calendar dates for EU
sovereign ratings, based on the event of the nomination of a new
Italian government with a decidedly credit-negative fiscal and
economic policy platform.
- GDP per capita (PPP basis, US$): 36,877 (2016 Actual) (also known as Per Capita Income)
- Real GDP growth (% change): 0.9% (2016 Actual) (also known as GDP Growth)
- Inflation Rate (CPI, % change Dec/Dec): 0.5% (2016 Actual)
- Gen. Gov. Financial Balance/GDP: -2.5% (2016 Actual) (also known as Fiscal Balance)
- Current Account Balance/GDP: 2.6% (2016 Actual) (also known as External Balance)
- External debt/GDP: [not available]
- Level of economic development: High level of economic resilience
- Default history: No default events (on bonds or loans) have been recorded since 1983.
I
wonder if It has anything to do with this?
Barbarians at the gate? End of democracy? Most hysterical establishment takes on new Italian govt
Mainstream
political analysts have unleashed their doom-laden predictions about
the impact of Italy's Five Star-Lega coalition, though their
hostility is tempered by new-found concern for the "desperate,"
misguided electorate.
'
Italian Coalition nominates Russia friendly populist as new PM
There is a storm brewing in Europe, and the winds of disunity and populism are blowing strong
The
Coalition has prepared a populist proposal to combat poverty,
migration, and relations with Russia, the problem is that it comes
with a hefty price tag. With Italy’s swelling debt problem, the
plan isn’t viewed with much enthusiasm by other members of the EU.
Also
troubling for the European bloc is the fact that sentiments in the
Mediterranean country have been running a little counter to its
migrant policy, which has brought about its own slew of problems for
the nation that once hosted the seat of the Roman Empire.
Additionally,
the clash of views surrounding economic cooperation with Russia have
been a political hot button for both Italy and EU, where Italy
considers better
relations with Russia to
be an integral part of having a healthier economy as well as avoiding
an unnecessary belligerent foreign policy providing little to no
benefit, while the EU has taken Washington’s lead in viewing Russia
as an evil empire in the making and as a major cause of the bloc’s
problems, both regarding the economy and security.
Giuseppe Conte has been chosen by a coalition of two populist parties as its pick to be Italy’s next prime minister. The move could set Italy on a collision course with the EU.
Giuseppe Conte, a 54-year-old law professor and something of a political novice, was named as the pick to be Italy’s next prime minister by Five Star Movement (M5S) leader Luigi Di Maio.
Conte, who was born in the southern province of Foggia and has never been elected to parliament, comes from the M5S side of the coalition.
The now-likely coalition government in Rome made up of the M5S and League parties is on a possible collision course with other EU member states after it announced spending plans likely to increase the country’s already towering public debt.
What is in the coalition deal? The two parties agreed to give monthly payments of at least €780 ($920) to Italians living below the poverty line. The deal also foresees a maximum individual tax rate of 15 percent, while business would pay 20 percent at most. The platform includes the introduction of tougher rules on deporting migrants and calls for fostering dialogue with Russia on economic and foreign policy matters.
Why is the EU concerned? Italy is the third-largest economy in the EU, but is running public debt of more than 130 percent of GDP— second only to Greece. Economists and EU policymakers worry that the spending plans contained in the coalition’s program will increase the country’s debt burden still further. The coalition is also at odds with the EU over its pro-Russian stance and over its euroskeptic attitude, reflected in League leader Matteo Salvini’s “Italians First” motto.
In response to the bloc’s concerns, M5S’s Di Maio said “first let us govern, then you can legitimately criticize us.”
The
nomination presents yet another area in which to worry about possible
dissension, as popular sentiment, as well as Italian public policy,
are increasingly viewing the EU with a degree of distrust. With
disparities in economic, security and foreign policy interests, Italy
and the EU sit on opposing sides of the table.
The
EU worries that Italy could be the next Greece, with threats of an EU
exit or default on their debt, together with a refusal to abide by
the bloc’s policies on numerous issues, Italy acts as yet another
centrifugal force within Western Europe.
With
Britain’s upcoming exit from the Union, Poland and Hungary’s
disaffection with the bloc’s migration policy,
among others, rocky
relations with Washingtonover the
Iran nuclear deal, trade tariffs, secondary sanctions, security,
and energy issues,
there is a storm brewing in Europe, and the winds of disunity and
populism are blowing strong.
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