Wikileaks reveals Hillary Clinton’s plan to overthrow Assad to marginalize Iran
19
March, 2016
Wikileaks
has exposed an email that U.S. presidential candidate Hillary Clinton
sent to an unknown account on 11/30/2015, detailing the ways Israel
could marginalize the Iranian threat by overthrowing the government
of Dr. Bashar Al-Assad.
Clinton
outlines in the first paragraph of her email, how to directly deal
with the growing threat of Iran’s nuclear program:
“The
best way to help Israel deal with Iran’s growing nuclear capability
is to help the people of Syria overthrow the regime of Bashar Assad.”
As
one of the main politicians calling for the removal of Assad by
force, Hillary Clinton has time-and-time again revealed her hawkish
nature when it comes to any external threat to Israel in the Middle
East.
The best way to help Israel deal with Iran's growing nuclear capability is to help the people of Syria overthrow the regime of Bashar Assad.
Negotiations to limit Iran's nuclear program will not solve Israel's
security dilemma.
Nor will they stop Iran from improving the crucial
part of any nuclear weapons program — the capability to enrich
uranium.
At best, the talks between the world's major powers and Iran
that began in Istanbul this April and will continue in Baghdad in May
will enable Israel to postpone by a few months a decision whether to
launch an attack on Iran that could provoke a major Mideast war.
Iran's nuclear program and Syria's civil war may seem unconnected,
but they are. For Israeli leaders, the real threat from a
nuclear-armed Iran is not the prospect of an insane Iranian leader
launching an unprovoked Iranian nuclear attack on Israel that would
lead to the annihilation of both countries.
What Israeli military
leaders really worry about -- but cannot talk about -- is losing
their nuclear monopoly. An Iranian nuclear weapons capability would
not only end that nuclear monopoly but could also prompt other
adversaries, like Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to go nuclear as well.
The
result would be a precarious nuclear balance in which Israel could
not respond to provocations with conventional military strikes on
Syria and Lebanon, as it can today.
If Iran were to reach the
threshold of a nuclear weapons state, Tehran would find it much
easier to call on its allies in Syria and Hezbollah to strike Israel,
knowing that its nuclear weapons would serve as a deterrent to Israel
responding against Iran itself. Back to Syria.
It is the strategic
relationship between Iran and the regime of Bashar Assad in Syria
that makes it possible for Iran to undermine Israel's security —
not through a direct attack, which in the thirty years of hostility
between Iran and Israel has never occurred, but through its proxies
in Lebanon, like Hezbollah, that are sustained, armed and trained by
Iran via Syria.
The end of the Assad regime would end this dangerous
alliance. Israel's leadership understands well why defeating Assad is
now in its interests. Speaking on CNN's Amanpour show last week,
Defense Minister Ehud Barak argued that "the toppling down of
Assad will be a major blow to the radical axis, major blow to
Iran.... It's the only kind of outpost of the Iranian influence in
the Arab world...and it will weaken dramatically both Hezbollah in
Lebanon and Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza."
Bringing down
Assad would not only be a massive boon to Israel's security, it would
also ease Israel's understandable fear of losing its nuclear
monopoly.
Then, Israel and the United States might be able to develop
a common view of when the Iranian program is so dangerous that
military action could be warranted. Right now, it is the combination
of Iran's strategic alliance with Syria and the steady progress in
Iran's nuclear enrichment program that has led Israeli leaders to
contemplate a surprise attack — if necessary over the objections of
Washington.
With Assad gone, and Iran no longer able to threaten
Israel through its, proxies, it is possible that the United States
and Israel can agree on red lines for when Iran's program has crossed
an unacceptable threshold. In short, the White House can ease the
tension that has developed with Israel over Iran by doing the right
thing in Syria.
The rebellion in Syria has now lasted more than a
year. The opposition is not going away, nor is the regime going to
accept a diplomatic solution from the outside. With his life and his
family at risk, only the threat or use of force will change the
Syrian dictator Bashar Assad's mind.
UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of
State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05794498 Date: 11/30/2015
The
Obama administration has been understandably wary of engaging in an
air operation in Syria like the one conducted in Libya for three main
reasons. Unlike the Libyan opposition forces, the Syrian rebels are
not unified and do not hold territory.
The Arab League has not called
for outside military intervention as it did in Libya. And the
Russians are opposed. Libya was an easier case. But other than the
laudable purpose of saving Libyan civilians from likely attacks by
Qaddafi's regime, the Libyan operation had no long-lasting
consequences for the region.
Syria is harder. But success in Syria
would be a transformative event for the Middle East. Not only would
another ruthless dictator succumb to mass opposition on the streets,
but the region would be changed for the better as Iran would no
longer have a foothold in the Middle East from which to threaten
Israel and undermine stability in the region.
Unlike in Libya, a
successful intervention in Syria would require substantial diplomatic
and military leadership from the United States. Washington should
start by expressing its willingness to work with regional allies like
Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar to organize, train and arm Syrian
rebel forces.
The announcement of such a decision would, by itself,
likely cause substantial defections from the Syrian military. Then,
using territory in Turkey and possibly Jordan, U.S. diplomats and
Pentagon officials can start strengthening the opposition. It will
take time. But the rebellion is going to go on for a long time, with
or without U.S. involvement.
The second step is to develop
international support for a coalition air operation. Russia will
never support such a mission, so there is no point operating through
the UN Security Council. Some argue that U.S. involvement risks a
wider war with Russia.
But the Kosovo example shows otherwise. In
that case, Russia had genuine ethnic and political ties to the Serbs,
which don't exist between Russia and Syria, and even then Russia did
little more than complain.
Russian officials have already
acknowledged they won't stand in the way if intervention comes.
Arming the Syrian rebels and using western air power to ground Syrian
helicopters and airplanes is a low-cost high payoff approach.
As long
as Washington's political leaders stay firm that no U.S. ground
troops will be deployed, as they did in both Kosovo and Libya, the
costs to the United States will be limited. Victory may not come
quickly or easily, but it will come. And the payoff will be
substantial.
Iran would be strategically isolated, unable to exert
its influence in the Middle East.
The resulting regime in Syria will
see the United States as a friend, not an enemy.
Washington would
gain substantial recognition as fighting for the people in the Arab
world, not the corrupt regimes. For Israel, the rationale for a bolt
from the blue attack on Iran's nuclear facilities would be eaed.
And
a new Syrian regime might well be open to early action on the frozen
peace talks with Israel. Hezbollah in Lebanon would be cut off from
its Iranian sponsor since Syria would no longer be a transit point
for Iranian training, assistance and missiles.
All these strategic
benefits and the prospect of saving thousands of civilians from
murder at the hands of the Assad regime (10,000 have already been
killed in this first year of civil war). With the veil of fear lifted
from the Syrian people, they seem determine to fight for their
freedom.
America can and should help them — and by doing so help
Israel and help reduce the risk of a wider war.
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