From the Daily Beast last year
Russia’s
Giving ISIS An Air Force
Putin’s
air campaign in Syria is not only supporting Assad, it’s giving
cover to fighters from the so-called Islamic State.
Michael Weiss
8 October, 2015
Last
June, the U.S. embassy in Damascus accused Bashar
al-Assad’s
air force of clearing a path for an ISIS advance
on Syrian rebels in the Aleppo town
of Azaz. “Reports indicate that the regime is making air strikes in
support of [ISIS’s] advance on Aleppo, aiding extremists against
Syrian population,” the embassy account tweeted, following up with
a broader accusation: “We have long seen that the regime avoids
[ISIS] lines, in complete contradiction to the regime’s claims to
be fighting [ISIS].”
Now
Russia seems to have inherited Assad’s role as the unacknowledged
air force of ISIS.
On
Wednesday, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s fighter jets rocketed
an ammunition storehouse, destroying artillery, armored personnel
carriers and even tanks belonging to Liwa Suqour al-Jabal, or The
Mountain Eagles, a U.S.-backed brigade of the Free Syrian Army.
A video
uploaded by
the brigade to YouTube shows the burning wreckage of the Russian
airstrike, in Mansoura, in the western suburbs of Aleppo, as the
local commander known as Abu Mohammed taunts his enemy: “Thank God,
we are all fine,” says Abu Mohammed. “We don’t fear Russia or
anyone helping the Russians. Bashar, we will remain resistant
fighting you even without any ammunition or bullets. We will fight
you with knives. We don’t need ammunition, Allahu Akbar.”
The
cameraman then adds that the Russians weren’t the only ones hitting
the brigade yesterday. “The Russian airplanes are targeting Suqour
al-Jabal’s weapon depots in Aleppo and ISIS attacked the bases with
explosives at the same time.”
Hasan
Hagali, the top commander for Suqour al-Jabal and a former captain in
the Syrian Arab Army, explained via Skype to The Daily Beast:
“Yesterday, at 5:30 p.m. a base belonging to Suqour al-Jabal was
targeted in two air raids in Mansoura. In each raid, there were three
Russian Mig-31 jets. That’s our main arms depot, where we supply
all our units. At the same exact time—5:30 p.m.—ISIS sent a car
bomb against us in Deir Jemal, against our base. This is about 130
kilometers away from Mansoura.” (Although two U.S. officials told
Bloomberg last month that MiG-31s were en route to Syria, they
haven’t yet been filmed or photographed there, and earlier reports
from August that they’d been sold to the Assad regime as part of an
older arms contract have been disputed.) An earlier ISIS attack
against a Suqour al-Jabal frontline position, he added, occurred in
Ehres, also in western Aleppo, at around 3 o’clock. But ISIS
locations in the province, no doubt equally visible from the air,
were left unscathed by the Russians.
In
the last week, less
than 10 percent of
all Russian missiles (and now ship-borne cruise missiles) have struck
ISIS or al-Qaeda-affiliated targets, according to the U.S. State
Department. What is a consensus view among analysts is that ISIS
clearly is not Putin’s quarry in Syria, at least not yet, because
he’s too busy killing the anti-Assad rebels supported and armed by
the Central Intelligence Agency. U.S. officials have acknowledged as
much.
But
that Moscow might actually be objectively helping ISIS
defeat a common enemy by acting as air support for the jihadists’
ground assaults against U.S. proxies is less well understood, even
though it fits with predictions warning that Putin’s adventure in
the Levant was never going to be counterterrorist in nature.
Rather,
this Russian adventure was designed to fortify a faltering client
regime, possibly help it regain lost territory, and above all
eliminate any credible threat to its legitimacy or long-term rule
which, for the moment, ISIS does not pose.
“It’s
clear that Russia’s strategy in Syria is to make the conflict
binary by giving Syrians only two choices: Assad or ISIS,” said
John Schindler, a former U.S. intelligence analyst and occasional
Daily Beast contributor. “Attacks on the FSA, while encouraging
defections to the regime, are a key component of how Russia
operationalizes its strategy for Syria. Russia has excellent
intelligence on Syria, especially from signals intelligence, and is
using this to target FSA and others in a manner that the U.S.
government can do little about now. Joint operations with ISIS are to
be expected, some with intent, some by default, and should not
surprise given the extent of regime intelligence penetration of
[ISIS].”
Jeffrey
White, a former Defense Intelligence Agency analyst and a military
specialist at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, says
that while he doesn’t doubt that the Russians will eventually set
their sights on ISIS, for the time being, it behooves Moscow’s war
aims to indirectly allow ISIS to devour U.S.-backed rebels. For one
thing, Putin’s Federal Security Service (FSB), Russia’s domestic
intelligence arm and one of the successors of the former KGB, has
actually been helping jihadists in Dagestan emigrate
to Syria to join ISIS, the better to lower the temperature on a
homegrown Islamic insurgency and also enervate American-led coalition
efforts.
The
Russians, White added, have strategic form here. “We had the
classic case of the destruction of the Polish Army in 1944,” he
told The Daily Beast. “As the Soviets approached Warsaw, they
stopped and let the Germans crush the Polish rebellion. The Red Army
did nothing to help the Poles. But then they chased Germans out of
Poland. It’s possible that a similar plan is unfolding in Syria.”
But
it may not work.
One
of the ironies of the Obama administration’s vow not to interfere
with Russia’s intervention in Syria is that it already has—and
successfully.
Today,
Russian warplanes heavily bombarded several targets along a salient
in Hama province, reportedly
using thermobaric munitions and the same multiple launch rocket
systems earlier
employed to devastating effect in east Ukraine. At the same time,
Assad’s army advanced to dislodge the rebels from towns such as
Kafr Zita, Morek and Kafr Nabudah. But the army failed, principally
because many of its Free Syrian Army opponents were equipped with TOW
guided anti-tank missiles, all supplied by the CIA. As many as 18
regime tanks (all manufactured in Russia or the former Soviet
Union) were
destroyed by these weapons in a 24-hour period. And the rebels held
their ground in Hama.
At
roughly the same time, Russian naval vessels fired
long-distance cruise missiles across
Iranian, Iraqi and Syrian airspace, hitting
indeterminate targets
in eastern Raqqa (where ISIS is present) but also in western Aleppo
and Idlib (where ISIS is not). Footage of these strikes, accompanied
by swishy computer-generated simulations of their flight paths, were
disseminated almost in real time throughout Russia’s
state-controlled propaganda organs, such as the English-language RT.
The
battlefield may yet change following the injection of an unknown
quantity of Russian “volunteers”—Putin’s
shorthand for plausibly deniable Russian soldiers—in addition
tohundreds
of Iranian troops said
to being joining Assad’s beleaguered military in the coming days
and weeks. But it is almost beyond dispute that these foreign
fighters will not be deployed to Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, where ISIS
reigns, but rather to central and western Syria, where the Free
Syrian Army plus other assorted Islamist and jihadists factions do.
The
missile strikes at unknown targets from the Caspian Sea are meant to
project “strength and power,” according to Lilia Shevtsova, a
nonresident fellow and Russia expert at the Brookings Institution.
“The Kremlin’s adventure has both psychological and systemic
dimensions,” she emailed to The Daily Beast. “On the one hand,
this is an act of blackmail against the West—Putin’s way of
trying to force the Americans to accept the Kremlin’s rules of the
game. On the other hand, it’s a desperate attempt to reproduce the
military patriotic legitimacy of the Russian government. But erasing
terrorists? Come on!”
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