The
Killing Of Saudi Journalist Khashoggi Could Spell The End For
Mohammad bin Salman
On October 2nd, 2018, Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi was allegedly killed inside Saudi Arabia’s embassy in Turkey. The sequence of events seems to show that the murder was premeditated. Two days before his death, Khashoggi went to the Saudi embassy in Istanbul to obtain documents pertaining to his divorce in preparation to remarry in the United States. The Saudi embassy instructed him to return on October 2nd to collect the documents, which he duly did. He entered the embassy around 1pm on October 2nd but never exited. Khashoggi’s fiancĂ©e, after waiting several hours, raised the alarm as Khashoggi had instructed her to do should he not reemerge after two hours.
12
October, 2018
The
death of famous journalist Saudita Jamal Khashoggi is likely to have
important repercussions, revealing the hypocrisy of the mainstream
media, tensions inside the Saudi regime, and the double standards of
Western countries.
On October 2nd, 2018, Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi was allegedly killed inside Saudi Arabia’s embassy in Turkey. The sequence of events seems to show that the murder was premeditated. Two days before his death, Khashoggi went to the Saudi embassy in Istanbul to obtain documents pertaining to his divorce in preparation to remarry in the United States. The Saudi embassy instructed him to return on October 2nd to collect the documents, which he duly did. He entered the embassy around 1pm on October 2nd but never exited. Khashoggi’s fiancĂ©e, after waiting several hours, raised the alarm as Khashoggi had instructed her to do should he not reemerge after two hours.
It
is from here that we should start to reconstruct this story
that resembles a science-fiction novel even by Saudi standards, a
country that does not hesitate to kidnap heads of state, as was the
case with the Lebanese prime minister, Saad Hariri, about a year ago.
Jamal
Khashoggi is a controversial figure, a representative of the shadowy
world of collaboration that sometimes exists between journalism and
the intelligence agencies, in this case involving the intelligence
agencies of Saudi Arabia and the United States. It
has been virtually confirmed by official circles within the Al Saud
family that Khashoggi was an agent in the employ of Riyadh and the
CIA during the Soviet presence in Afghanistan.
From
1991 to 1999, he continued to serve in several countries like
Afghanistan, Algeria, Sudan, Kuwait and other parts of the Middle
East, often maintaining an ambiguous
role in
the service of his friend Turki Faisal Al-Saud, the future Saudi
ambassador to Washington and London and later supreme head of Saudi
intelligence for 24 years.
Khashoggi
was named editor of the leading English-language magazine in Saudi
Arabia, Arab News, from 1999 to 2003. In late 2003, he
transferred to Al Watan, one of the most liberal, Western and
pro-reform newspapers in the country. His job lasted only 52 days,
with him being removed strongly criticizing the Wahhabi clerical
extremist Ibn Taymiyyah. Khashoggi had turned into a critical voice
of the Saudi regime following the internal struggles between King
Abdullah and Turki Faisal Al-Saud.
One
of the main criticisms of Khashoggi coming from factions loyal to
Abdullah was that he had recruited and paid several journalists on
behalf of the CIA during his time as an editor. Such
an accusation would conform with the widespread practice of the CIA
seeking to influence the media, and therefore public opinion, and to
put pressure on leaders failing to do what Washington wants.
To
fully understand what has led to the disappearance of Khashoggi, it
is important to dissect the career of Turki bin Faisal Al-Saud,
Khashoggi’s political protector.
During
the reign of King Khalid (1975-1982), Turki bin Faisal Al-Saud was at
the center of relations between Washington and Saudi Arabia,
committed to inflicting as much damage as possible on the USSR while
it was in Afghanistan, with the help of foreign fighters (those who
later became known as Al Qaeda) armed by Pakistan and financed by the
Saudis. Following the end of the war in Afghanistan in 1982, Fahd bin
Abdulaziz Al Saud became king until 2005. During this period, Faisal
became a respected man within Saudi intelligence, leading to him
becoming the undisputed leader. He was removed from his post on May
24, 2001, a few months before September 11, 2001. The
connections he had with Osama bin Laden, following the attacks of
September 11, 2001, continued to hound the Turki bin Faisal in
subsequent years, even being sued by relatives of 9/11 victims in a
multimillion-dollar lawsuit directed at him and other Saudi
operatives. From
2003 to 2005, Turki bin Faisal served as ambassador to the UK,
emphasizing his role as a leading Saudi in the international
community, and came across Khashoggi, taking him under his wing as a
personal advisor.
In
the ensuing years there was an explosive internal fracture within the
Kingdom, accentuated by the death in 2005 of King Abdulaziz Al Saud,
who was succeeded by King Abdullah until 2015.
In
2005, Turki bin Faisal was appointed Saudi ambassador to the US
during the Bush administration, with Khashoggi accompanying him as a
media advisor. During this period, Khashoggi
became one of the strongest supporters of the Israeli-Palestinian
peace process, invoking diplomatic discussions between Riyadh and
Tehran and travelling to over 37 American states to explain his point
of view. While
advancing the interests of the Saudi regime bent on Wahhabism, while
at the same time being a friend to Israeli Zionism and the American
neocons, Turki bin Faisal took a less extremist position, one more
directed towards dialogue. For these reasons, he was not often
received at the White House during his reign as ambassador, with the
US administration openly preferring the extremist Bandar bin Sultan
(a great friend of the Bush family) to the apparently moderate Turki
bin Faisal.
The
natural result was that King Abdullah excluded him more and more from
the main meetings that occurred between the Saudis and the
Americans. Finally,
bin Faisal resigned in protest. He was succeeded by Bandar bin
Sultan.
Back
to Khashoggi. It
is important to note that after his departure from Al Watan he
moved to London and became a senior advisor in Turki bin Faisal’s
team. During
Turki bin Faisal’s ambassadorship in Washington, Khashoggi assumed
the position of head of press relations, coming into direct contact
with major national and international organs of US media.
In
the years following Turki bin Faisal’s ambassadorship in
Washington, Khashoggi became a new publisher of the liberal Saudi
newspaper Al Watan, publishing an article that was highly
critical of the Saudi clerics and of Salafism in general. A few days
later, he was again forced to resign and left the newspaper. It was
after this event that Khashoggi
came into direct contact with Al-Waleed bin Talal, one of the richest
men in Saudi Arabia, who had been appointed director of the Al Arab
news channel based in Bahrain. The
news channel sought to offer an impartial and objective view of
events in the Middle East and in Saudi Arabia. As director of Al
Arab, he often released statements and interviews for international
organs like the BBC, ABC News, Al Jazeera and Dubai TV. In recent
years, he became a recurring guest on Al Jazeera and had a weekly
column in The Washington Post.
What
happened to Khashoggi is the story not so much of a dissident as of a
struggle within the highly complicated Zionist-Saudi-Neoconservative
nexus that is intertwined with the struggle against the neoliberal
component of US imperialism. It
is a story that deserves to be fully explored to understand the
behind-the-scenes struggles that afflict US politics, the hypocrisy
of the media when it comes to the Saudi dictatorship, and the
ambiguous role of Turkey.
Returning
to Khashoggi, it was during
the Obama presidency that the journalist played a primary role in
encouraging important reforms in Saudi Arabia as being essential to
the survival of the Kingdom.
During this time, relations
between Riyadh and Washington steadily worsened for many reasons,
primarily in regard to diverging policies on Egypt and Syria as well
as on human rights in Saudi Arabia.
Many
in the Saudi royal family suspected that Obama was willing to use the
Arab springs to get rid of the Al Saud family in Saudi Arabia. The
relationship between Riyadh and Washington subsequently sunk to an
all-time low.Khashoggi
was the spearhead of this media and political strategy against
Riyadh. An
intimate friend of the royal family who ends up publicly criticizing
them causes quite a stir, selling copies and drawing attention to
what he writes.
Keep
in mind that we are splitting the atom of the Saudi universe. But it
should never be forgotten that we are talking about a regime that
tortures and kills its fellow citizens as well foreigners. It is a
regime that creates terrorism as a weapon used to further its own
political goals. These are not people burdened by moral scruples.
Yet
in spite of this, no country is monolithic in terms of those who hold
the reigns of power, especially when it comes to foreign affairs. It
is the competing views and internal struggles that determine the
course of events, as with the case of Khashoggi's death.
During
the Obama administration, the former Saudi intelligence man and
intimate of the royals continued to work as a house organ linked to
the US world of soft power (color
revolutions, Arab Spring), the form of power that was particularly
favored by the Obama administration as a new strategy to extend US
imperialist domination following the disasters of Iraq and
Afghanistan. The
criticism of the Saudi royal family was constant,
even though the journalist appreciated the role Riyadh played in the
region, especially with regard to the aggression against Syria.
In
the following years, with
the rise to power of King Salman, and especially after the victory of
Donald Trump, everything changed for the worse in the region and for
the “dissident” journalist. Bin
Salman became the strongman holding power in Saudi Arabia,
triggering, with a nod from Trump, a near war with Qatar, especially
over the role of Al Jazeera, which often hosted Khashoggi and was
increasingly critical of bin Salman and his vision for the Kingdom’s
future (Vision 2030).
During
bin Salman’s campaign of repression, the King's nephew took the
opportunity to attack all his opponents, with many
people close to Khashoggi being arrested, tortured and killed.
His old acquaintance in particular, Al-Waleed bin Talal, was arrested
and tortured, much to the displeasure of the West, given that he was
one of the most famous Saudis abroad, being involved with companies
like Twitter. In a climax of repression, even the Lebanese prime
minister, Saad Hariri, was kidnapped and spirited to Riyadh to be
re-educated over a number of days. Khashoggi
sensed the looming danger, and in 2017 escaped from Saudi Arabia to
settle in the United States.
Khashoggi
continued with his columns criticizing the Saudi regime, attacking
its campaign in Yemen on Al Jazeera, and accusing bin Salman of being
anything but a positive revolutionary for the Kingdom. Khashoggi’s
criticism pointed to the lack of democracy as well as the sclerosis
at the top in the Saudi kingdom, accusations that bin Salman chafed
at, finally deciding to be rid of the journalist.
The
events in Istanbul are the culmination of a grotesque situation
whereby Donald Trump has granted a free hand to his two close allies
in the region, Israel and Saudi Arabia. Analyzing
the actions of these two countries over the last 24 months, the
extent of Washington’s carte blanche has become clear.
We
could venture into fanciful speculation about Khashoggi's death,
citing anonymous Saudi sources; or we could simply come to the most
obvious conclusion. Khashoggi was arrested in the embassy before
being tortured, killed and dismembered by about 15 Saudi operatives
who arrived in Istanbul on a day flight from Riyadh and departed a
few hours after Khashoggi's killing. It
is hard to believe that the Turkish services, which have always
played the double- and triple-crossing game, did not know what was
happening. Khashoggi
himself had probably received assurances that the Saudi embassy in
Istanbul was a safe place to collect the documents. He
was obviously betrayed by someone in whom he had strong trust.
Turkey
is a strong ally of Qatar and plays a major role in the region.
Relations between Riyadh and Ankara have not been the best in recent
years, but their common interests in the region are so high that it
is not
surprising that Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization has
closed more than one eye to allow Khashoggi's assassination and the
exit of the 15 operatives.
Besides, Erdogan was well aware of the problems that this story would
have created between the United States and Saudi Arabia, especially
within the ranks of the liberal media of the US establishment.
The
problems flowing from this settling of internal accounts are
manifold. They
range from the indignation of such mainstream media as The
Washington Post, CNN and ABC News that are beginning to reveal grisly
details about Khashoggi's death, even if they treat the news with
detachment, not openly attributing blame to Riyadh. Saudi money from
various lobbies dampens the effect of such media attention,
succeeding in dissuading direct accusations of Saudi involvement in
Khashoggi’s disappearance. The
more time that passes the more obvious it becomes how Khashoggi was
killed in the Saudi consulate on the orders of bin Salman as a critic
of the Kingdom. At
some point, the mainstream media will no longer be able to cover up
for the Saudis. It all comes down to the possibility of plausible
deniability or legitimate justification.
Both these elements are
difficult for the US to employ in this case.
The
upshot is an explosive situation that threatens to further isolate
Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United States from the rest of the
world. Thus
the White House had to even express in an official note confusion and
concern, asking the Saudis to provide real evidence of Khashoggi's
exit from the Saudi consulate. We must also consider that Riyadh
planned to blame Turkey for the disappearance of the journalist,
stating that, having come out from the embassy, the
disappearance was the fault of Turkey.
It
is not surprising, therefore, that Erdogan has insisted that "the
burden of demonstrating how Khashoggi is still alive belongs to Saudi
Arabia." Even
the tour of the consulate offered to foreign journalists has failed
to silence what seems too obvious. Riyadh overreached following
Trump's wink and nod, eliminating an uncomfortable voice that was
also very close to Riyadh’s geopolitical enemies like Qatar as well
the US neoliberal faction (linked to Obama and to the faction close
to the Muslim Brotherhood, outlawed in Saudi Arabia because it
presents itself as a political alternative to the state religion of
Wahhabism).
In
a series of reckless actions, the last 12 months have seen all sorts
of provocations from Israel, the US and Saudi Arabia. There
was the downing of a Russian Il-20 through the intentionally reckless
maneuvers of Israeli pilots, the more than 200 bombings on the
sovereign state of Syria, cooperation with Riyadh in the war in
Yemen, the threats to Hezbollah and Iran that Netanyahu even
proclaimed in front of the United Nations General Assembly. Saudi
Arabia even managed to do worse, with the abduction of the Lebanese
prime minister, the continued funding of extremists like Daesh and al
Qaeda, the nefarious actions against Qatar and Iran, the bombing of
Yemen, and recently the killing of a journalist in a Saudi embassy.
For its part, the US in recent days has made two unthinkable
declarations, namely, threatening a first strike against Moscow to
eliminate some military weaponry, as well as a naval blockade to
prevent energy exports.
With
the Khashoggi incident and the ensuing media outcry, the ideological
hatred of the mainstream media against Trump and the increasingly
precarious situation of Netanyahu (accused of corruption, with his
wife also being investigated), it
should not be surprising if this latest incident only serves as
ammunition in the political war amongst the elite that shows no signs
of subsiding and is instead growing in intensity by the day.
One
of the last alliances that the United States has available to
influence events in the Middle East risks falling apart as a result
of bin Salman’s ill-advised actions. Erdogan
has already challenged the Saudis by asking them to prove that the
journalist is alive. There is open speculation in the Kingdom about
the implications of the clash between Ankara and Riyadh and between
bin Salman and Erdogan. There
are those who are willing to bet that this latest reckless action
could prove fatal for the ruler who, after just a year and a half,
seems to have exhausted his whole store of experience as the
Kingdom’s young despot.
Khashoggi case causes media exodus from major Saudi investment conference as CNN, CNBC, FT quit
A
number of media outlets, including CNN, CNBC and the Financial Times,
have announced they will not be participating in a high-profile
investment conference in Saudi Arabia over the disappearance of
journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
CNN,
CNBC, and the FT all stated on Friday that they would not be
attending the upcoming Future Investment Initiative (FII) in Riyadh,
which has been dubbed “Davos
in the Desert” in
reference to the annual World Economic Forum meeting in Davos,
Switzerland.
Some
reports have claimed that Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist, was
abducted and murdered after entering the Saudi consulate in Turkey.
“CNBC
will no longer participate in the FII in Riyadh due to the continuing
questions surrounding the disappearance of journalist Jamal
Khashoggi,” the
network said in a tweet.
Saudi
dissident Jamal Khashoggi speaks at an event hosted by Middle East
Monitor in London, Britain, September 29, 2018. /HANDOUT / Reuters
If
the Saudis are found to be complicit in the disappearance of US-based
journalist Jamal Khashoggi, the result could be a “huge earthquake
in international relations,” experts believe.
The
Turkish government reportedly has recordings that confirm the alleged
kidnapping and murder of outspoken Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi
inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. The scandal sounds like a
ticking time bomb for international relations, which could not only
affect Turkish-Saudi relations, but drag in Washington, the key Saudi
ally.
Former
US diplomat Jim Jatras and investigative journalist Rick Sterling
tell RT what could happen if allegations that the Gulf monarchy,
headed by Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman, is behind the plot
prove to be true.
If
Saudi Arabia is found to be complicit in Khashoggi’s disappearance,
Sterling believes “the pressure will be on [Turkish president]
Erdogan and Turkey to escalate.”
“Saudi
Arabia effectively abducted Lebanese Prime Minister [Saad] Hariri and
he appeared in Riyadh, resigned - supposedly - and then it turned out
he was coerced in some form or manner,” Sterling added. “The
Saudi government is extreme, it’s bizarre and we’ll have to see
how the facts develop in this case but it points towards the
instability of that government that beheads hundreds of citizens a
year.”
However,
he adds, the Saudi regime has been “an extremely close ally of the
US and Israel. This would be a huge earthquake in international
relations if the calls for a serious reduction in relations
continues.”
Despite
the years of brutality against their own people, Khashoggi’s
disappearance seems to have ushered the Saudi regime’s reckless
violence into the global spotlight, Jatras told RT.
“Saudi
Arabia is usually immune from criticism from the American
establishment, They can destroy Yemen, they can cut people’s heads
off… and suddenly over one journalist everyone is outraged; We
discover that Saudi Arabia is an oppressive regime that kills
people,” Jatras said, adding that the sudden attention “seems
very strange” considering the “bloody murder that the Saudis have
gotten away with for decades.”
A
number of media outlets and corporations have cited the Khashoggi
affair to pull out of the upcoming Future Investment Initiative (FII)
in Riyadh. Meanwhile, pressure is growing on the Trump administration
to freeze the sale of US weapons to Saudi Arabia and even sanction
Saudi officials under the Global Magnitsky Act if they are found
responsible for the journalist’s disappearance.
So
far, Trump has resisted the notion, saying that stopping the $110
billion Saudi investment into US weapons would force the longtime US
ally to look instead toward Russia or China.
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