Protests
Erupt in Athens As Greece Approves Eurozone Bailout
The Real News
TRNN's
Jaisal Noor speaks to protestors in Athens, Greece about why they
oppose the $96 billion dollar Eurozone bailout the Greek Parliament
passed late Wednesday by a vote of 229 to 64
Here is commentary from Channel 4's Paul Mason
Decoding the IMF: Greek deal doomed, exit likely
14
July, 2015
It’s
easy to get drawn in to the detail. I spent some of yesterday in the
hot corridors of the Greek parliament where the various factions and
groupings within Syriza, the radical left party, were working out
their postures on today’s vote.
No to the rescue deal, says the left. Abstain, say others. Vote yes while declaring it’s been done at gunpoint, says Alexis Tsipras in a live TV interview. But step away from the argument, bitter as the black coffee served in the parliament’s canteen, and the bigger picture is: the deal will pass, Syriza will vote for it.
Step back further and take in the implications of the IMF’s secret report, leaked yesterday, into the dynamics of Greece’s debt. The IMF says – after the weeks of dislocation caused by the relentless bank run and the capital controls – that the austerity deal is pointless. Greece needs a massive debt write-off or large upfront transfers of taxpayers money from the rest of Europe. It needs a 30 year grace period in which it will stop repaying the loans.
Yet
the entire deal done on Sunday night was premised on not a single
cent worth of debt relief. Vague commitments to “reprofile” debt
– pushing repayment times backwards and lowering the interest rates
– were all Angela Merkel could be persuaded to do.
What
this means is very simple: the third bailout agreed in principle on
Sunday night is doomed to fail. First because the IMF cannot sign up
to it without debt relief; second because, without debt relief it
will collapse the Greek economy. This is even before you factor in
issues like mass resistance to its details, or the total lack of
enthusiasm for execution of the deal by the Syriza ministers who will
have to do it.
IMF
report
But
on both sides of the Greek political class there is cognitive
dissonance, and it’s being generated by the same thing: a blindness
to what the Euro has become.
The
Greek centre and centre right will keep Syriza in power today on the
grounds of being good Europeans. Syriza will vote for a deal it
opposes, and which anybody who’s read even a summary of the IMF
report now understands is doomed. Again on the grounds that it is
demonstrating commitment to Europe and that, as Alexis Tsipras
argues, “rules out Grexit”.
The
implication of the IMF report is that Grexit is inevitable. Without
debt relief the Greek debt to GDP ratio will rise to 200%. It will be
using 15% of its GDP simply to make interest payments and payments
coming due.
So
we go back to the old problem that has dogged Greece since 2010. Yes
it has an inefficient, state-dominated economy that needs to be
reformed; yes it has antiquated and corruption-inducing restrictions
on who can run certain businesses. But you can’t modernise a place
like Greece amid the relentless downward pressure on growth that
austerity measures produce.
By
saying this – albeit in a secret document the Europeans wanted
suppressed – the IMF has shown it is a learning organism. It has
abandoned the dogma that predicted austerity would bring a 4% fall in
GDP and drawn conclusions from the 25% fall in GDP that actually
occurred.
One
of the recurrent features of this crisis is the mismatch between the
speed at which political parties learn things and how people do.
I’ve
found, among ordinary people who were passionate supporters of the No
vote in the referendum, the widespread acceptance that – to go
forward with measures on social justice or alternatives to austerity
– Greece will have to leave the Euro. Most people I talk to want it
done in a controlled manner, consensually and with some kind of
mandate from the people.
They’ve
realised that Angela Merkel’s absolute refusal to countenance debt
write-offs inside the Euro, alongside the IMF’s absolute insistence
that they should happen, have created a cul-de-sac no Greek
government can get out of without reversing out of Euro membership.
Syriza
– which was always a coalition of left social democrats, New Left
marxists and a harder left communist group – is finding it
institutionally hard to accept this logic.
Opponents
of exit argue that, with the Euro question “solved” they can get
on with prosecuting a domestic crusade against corruption, poor
police methods and the dysfunctional judiciary and the state.
What
nobody knows is how much of its absolute sovereignty over domestic
law the Eurozone would actually use if, for example, Syriza tried to
cleanse the judiciary. Would this be deemed as “politicising the
state?” Nobody knows – because the European Commission and ECB
have never had to have policies on such things before.
‘Third
bailout will be a нdisaster’
Equally
uncertain is: what kind of party does Syriza now become? Right now it
is still, basically, an expression of the desire of large numbers of
Greek people to stay in the Euro with less austerity.
The
Greek electorate’s pattern over the past 5 years has been to put
parties into power who say they will mitigate austerity but stay in
the Euro. First Papandreou, then New Democracy – who also, now
barely remembered – once opposed an austerity memorandum – and
now Syriza. By throwing successive parties into the European mincing
machine, the outcome has been to shred party politics. Pasok was
shredded, New Democracy was shredded and it’s possible that Syriza
too will split, be vilified, denounced as traitors etc.
We know from opinion polls that about 35% of Greeks want to leave the Euro but that a further 25% of those who voted No in the referendum probably fear what Alexis Tsipras spelled out last night: €250bn has left the country over the past 5 years and if Greece leaves the Euro this “drachma lobby” would be able to return to Greece and buy out everything and everybody.
But
listen to the IMF report – which implies the third bailout will be
a disaster; and to the intransigence of Angela Merkel – who says no
debt relief within the Euro. The more I look at it, logically and
dispassionately, that €250bn waiting outside Greece for Grexit now
looks like very smart money. And you the highly logical and
dispassionate investment community is drawing that conclusion too.
The
levels of economic pain and dysfunctional borrowing set to be
inflicted on Greece mean that at some point in the next 12-18 months
there is a chance that centrist 20-30% of public opinion will flip to
a policy of controlled, or maybe temporary exit from the Eurozone.
The only question then is: which party will offer a convincing
narrative and lead it.
Follow
@paulmasonnews on Twitter.
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