The
Scariest Trade Deal Nobody's Talking About Just Suffered a Big Leak
By
David Dayen
4
June, 2015
The
Obama administration’s desire for “fast track” trade authority
is not limited to passing the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In
fact, that may be the least important of three deals currently under
negotiation by the U.S. Trade Representative. The Trans-Atlantic
Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP)
would bind the two biggest economies in the world, the United States
and the European Union. And the largest agreement is also the least
heralded: the 51-nation Trade
in Services Agreement (TiSA).
On
Wednesday, WikiLeaks brought this agreement into the spotlight
by releasing 17
key TiSA-related documents, including 11 full chapters under
negotiation. Though the outline for this agreement has been in place
for nearly
a year,
these documents were supposed to remain classified
for five years after
being signed, an example of the secrecy surrounding the agreement,
which outstrips even the TPP.
TiSA
has been negotiated since 2013, between the United States, the
European Union, and 22 other nations, including Canada, Mexico,
Australia, Israel, South Korea, Japan, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey,
and others scattered across South America and Asia. Overall, 12 of
the G20 nations are represented, and negotiations have carefully
incorporated practically every advanced economy except for the
“BRICS”
coalition of emerging markets (which stands for Brazil, Russia,
India, China, and South Africa).
The
deal would liberalize global trade of services, an expansive
definition that encompasses air and maritime transport, package
delivery, e-commerce, telecommunications, accountancy, engineering,
consulting, health care, private education, financial services and
more, covering close to 80 percent of the U.S. economy. Though member
parties insist that the agreement would simply stop discrimination
against foreign service providers, the text shows that TiSA would
restrict how governments can manage their public laws through an
effective regulatory cap. It could also dismantle and privatize
state-owned enterprises, and turn those services over to the private
sector. You begin to sound like the guy hanging out in front of the
local food co-op passing around leaflets about One World Government
when you talk about TiSA, but it really would clear the way for
further corporate domination over sovereign countries and their
citizens.
Reading
the texts (here’s
an example,
the annex on air transport services) makes you realize the challenge
for members of Congress or interested parties to comprehend a trade
agreement while in negotiation. The “bracketed” text includes
each country’s offer, merged into one document, with notations on
whether the country proposed, is considering, or opposes each
specific provision. You need to either be a trade lawyer or a very
alert reader to know what’s going on. But between the text and a
series of analyses released by WikiLeaks, you get a sense for what
the countries negotiating TiSA want.
First,
they want to limit regulation on service sectors, whether at the
national, provincial or local level. The agreement has “standstill”
clauses to freeze regulations in place and prevent future rulemaking
for professional licensing and qualifications or technical standards.
And a companion “ratchet” clause would make any broken trade
barrier irreversible.
It
may make sense to some to open service sectors up to competition. But
under the agreement, governments may not be able to regulate
staff to patient ratios in hospitals, or ban fracking, or tighten
safety controls on airlines, or refuse accreditation to schools and
universities. Foreign corporations must receive the same "national
treatment" as domestic ones, and could argue that such
regulations violate their ability to provide the service. Allowable
regulations could not be “more burdensome than necessary to ensure
the quality of the service,” according to TiSA’s domestic
regulation annex.
No restrictions could be placed on foreign investment—corporations
could control entire sectors.
This
would force open dozens of services, including ones where state-owned
enterprises, like the national telephone company in Uruguay or the
national postal service of Italy, now operate. Previously, public
services would be either broken up or forced into competition with
foreign service providers. While the United States and European Union
assured in a joint statement that such privatization need not be
permanent, they also “noted the important complementary role of the
private sector in these areas” to “improve the availability and
diversity of services,” which doesn’t exactly connote a hands-off
policy on the public commons.
Corporations
would get to comment on any new regulatory attempts, and enforce this
regulatory straitjacket through a dispute mechanism similar to the
investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) process in other trade
agreements, where they could win money equal to “expected future
profits” lost through violations of the regulatory cap.
For
an example of how this would work, let’s look at financial
services. It too has a “standstill” clause, which given the
unpredictability of future crises could leave governments helpless to
stop a new and dangerous financial innovation. In fact, Switzerland
has proposed that all TiSA countries must allow “any new financial
service” to enter their market. So-called “prudential
regulations” to protect investors or depositors are theoretically
allowed, but they must not act contrary to TiSA rules, rendering them
somewhat irrelevant.
Most
controversially, all financial services suppliers could transfer
individual client data out of a TiSA country for processing,
regardless of national privacy laws. This free flow of data across
borders is true for the e-commerce
annex as
well; it breaks with thousands
of years of precedent on
locally kept business records, and has privacy
advocates alarmed.
There’s
no question that these provisions reinforce Senator Elizabeth
Warren’s contention that a trade deal could undermine
financial regulations like
the Dodd-Frank Act. The Swiss proposal on allowances for financial
services could invalidate derivatives rules, for example. And
harmonizing regulations between the U.S. and EU would involve some
alteration, as the EU rules are less stringent.
Member
countries claim they want to simply open up trade in services between
the 51 nations in the agreement. But there’s already an
international deal governing these sectors through the World Trade
Organization (WTO), called the General Agreement on Trade in Services
(GATS). The only reason to re-write the rules is to replace GATS,
which the European Union readily
admits (“if
enough WTO members join in, TiSA could be turned into a broader WTO
agreement”).
That’s
perhaps TiSA’s real goal—to pry open markets, deregulate and
privatize services worldwide,
even among emerging nations with no input into the agreement. U.S.
corporations may benefit from such a structure, as the Chamber
of Commerce suggests,
but the impact on workers and citizens in America and across the
globe is far less clear. Social, cultural, and even public health
goals would be sidelined in favor of a regime that puts corporate
profits first. It effectively nullifies the role of democratic
governments to operate in the best interest of their constituents.
Unsurprisingly,
this has raised far more concern globally than
in the United States. But a completed TiSA would go through the same
fast-track process as TPP, getting a guaranteed up-or-down vote in
Congress without the possibility of amendment. Fast-track lasts six
years, and negotiators for the next president may be even more
willing to make the world safe for corporate hegemony. “This is
as big a blow to our rights and freedom as the Trans-Pacific
Partnership,” said Larry Cohen, president of the Communication
Workers of America in a statement, “and in both cases our
government’s secrecy is the key enabler.”
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