Trump
Hits Lebanon Bank
with His Favorite Econo-
Political Battering Ram
The
fact that the U.S. sanctions countries whenever its president pleases
could in itself be considered a hostile act. Even in wartime, these
sorts of collective punishments are illegal under the Geneva
Conventions.
by
Marwa Osman
Lebanese Canadian Bank
The building that houses the Lebanese Canadian Bank in Beirut, Lebanon, Feb. 11, 2011. Grace Kassab | AP
30
August, 2019
BEIRUT
— Economic sanctions are not only a very important topic in present
international relations but have also come to pepper daily news
headlines. Sanctions have become an increasingly prevalent measure
for disciplining a state’s “unacceptable behavior” by banning
trade with said state and disrupting its financial relations for
political purposes.
Economic
sanctions can be imposed by international organizations, be they
global in scope like the United Nations or regional like the Europen
Union, but they also can appear in the form of a unilateral act of a
single state. Unilateral sanctions are broadly criticized as being
contrary to international law and often face a lack of support by
international lawyers.
Despite
this, there exists no universally accepted mechanism in international
law to determine whether an economic sanction is lawful or not. Thus
the issue remains one of the least developed areas of the
international law framework.
An
undisguised political purpose
On
Friday August 29, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of
Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned Jammal Trust Bank SAL, a
Lebanon-based financial institution, under the pretext the bank was
facilitating the activities of Hezbollah, a Lebanese political party
with an armed wing. The sanctions also hit Jammal Trust’s
Lebanon-based subsidiaries Trust Insurance SAL, Trust Insurance
Services SAL, and Trust Life Insurance Company SAL, for being owned
or controlled by Jammal Trust.
The
U.S. Treasury claimed it was targeting Jammal Trust Bank and its
subsidiaries for enabling Hezbollah’s financial activities for the
Hezb’s Executive Council and the Martyrs Foundation, which pays
remittances to the families of Hezbollah fighters killed in action,
whom the Treasury labeled as “suicide bombers..
Jammal
Trust Bank is the second Lebanese bank to be listed as a terrorist
organization by the United States and, as will be explained below,
effectively turned into a liquidated bank — the first was the
Lebanese Canadian Bank. The charges against Jammal Bank are not
related to money laundering, however; rather it is the practice of
regular banking operations, such as opening accounts and paying
salaries to institutions listed by U.S. regulators as “terrorist
organizations.”
News
of the new sanctions on Jamal Trust was leaked to Banque du Liban BDL
(Lebanon’s Central Bank) before the U.S. Treasury report was even
released. Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri is reported to have been
informed about the matter by BDL Governor Riad Salameh hours before
the Treasury’s report was released at 10 p.m. Beirut time. The
report said that the Treasury’s action highlights how “Hezbollah
continues to prioritize its interests, and those of its chief
sponsor, Iran, over the welfare of Lebanese citizens and Lebanon’s
economy.”
The
“political” statement of the Treasury raises several questions.
The move comes in the context of local and regional events that are
inseparable from the course of financial and military pressure
exerted by the United States and Israel on Lebanon.
This
time, U.S. pressure carries a clear message in targeting a bank owned
by a Shia businessman who is primarily affiliated with Parliament
Speaker Nabih Berri. It is one of only four Lebanese banks owned by
Shia businessmen. Such a move would cause widespread confusion in the
banking sector and hearkens back to what happened with the Lebanese
Canadian Bank in 2011 on the day the U.S. Treasury Department decided
to put it on OFAC’s list and subsequently forced it to shut down.
When
a bank is placed on this list, it is no longer able to carry out any
transactions related to the U.S. dollar, such as transferring funds
from Lebanon abroad and vice versa and opening credits to merchants,
or other banking activities. These types of sanctions make it nearly
impossible for any bank to deal with foreign banks and forces it to
operate locally using only Lebanese pounds. In other words, the bank
effectively becomes liquidated.
This
targeting of a “Shia bank” is not unprecedented. It was preceded
by clear threats to other Shia-owned banks, such as the Phoenicia
Bank, whose name was added a few weeks ago to a list related to the
lawsuit filed by the families of American dead and wounded in Iraq.
Dozens of Shia businessmen are said to have been added to the list of
defendants alongside the Phoenicia Bank. In 2015, the owner of the
Middle East and North Africa Bank, Qassem Hojeij, was also added to
OFAC’s list, prompting him to withdraw from the bank and relinquish
his responsibilities in it.
Violating
international law
The
application of unilateral economic sanctions is an explicit violation
of international law under the United Nations’ (UN) and the
Organization of American States’ (OAS) charters, human-rights
stipulations, and even the United States’ own law. Despite that
truth, they have become President Donald Trump’s favorite tool to
assert his foreign policy goals around the world.
The
Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has been implementing a
Lebanon sanctions program since August 1, 2007, when then-President
George W. Bush issued an executive order to “Block Property of
Persons Undermining the Sovereignty of Lebanon or Its Democratic
Processes and Institutions.” Apart from the question of who
designated the U.S. as the police of Lebanon, the U.S. itself failed
to notify the Lebanese public when and how Hezbollah had ever
undermined their sovereignty, while Israel continues to violate
Lebanese sovereignty on a daily basis but has never been hit by any
sanctions.
The
names of individuals and entities designated pursuant to Bush’s
executive order, whose property and interests in property are
therefore blocked, are published in the Federal Register and
incorporated into OFAC’s Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked
Persons List (SDN List).
Unless
otherwise authorized or exempt, transactions by U.S. persons or in or
involving the United States are prohibited if they involve
transferring, paying, exporting, withdrawing, or otherwise dealing in
property or interests in property of an entity or individual listed
on the SDN List. The property and interests in property of an entity
that is 50 percent or more owned — whether individually or in the
aggregate, directly or indirectly — by a person on the SDN List are
also blocked, regardless of whether the entity itself is listed.
However,
what happens if a person or an entity “violates” these U.S.
imposed sanctions? Well, civil monetary penalties of up to the
greater of $250,000 or twice the amount of the underlying transaction
may be imposed administratively against any person who violates,
attempts to violate, conspires to violate or causes a violation of
the imposed sanctions. Upon conviction, criminal fines of up to
$1,000,000, imprisonment for up to 20 years, or both, may be imposed
on any person who willfully commits or attempts to commit, or
willfully conspires to commit, or aids or abets in the commission of
a violation of these sanctions.
In
2015 the U.S. Congress approved a law to allegedly tighten its grip
on Hezobollah’s financing. In fact, U.S. President Barack Obama
signed the Hezbollah International Financing Prevention Act of 2015,
on Dec. 18, 2015, imposing sanctions on foreign financial
institutions that deal with Hezbollah and its affiliated Al-Manar TV
channel. OFAC issued a list comprising around 100 names that the U.S.
considers related to Hezbollah with addresses in Lebanon.
Lebanese
banks were already in compliance with former sanctions simply because
the Lebanese economy is dollarized and Lebanese banks could not
function without their correspondent U.S. banks. According to
Lebanon’s central bank BDL statistics, 65 percent of deposits in
Lebanon are in U.S. dollars and 72 percent of loans are denominated
in U.S. dollars. Therefore, Lebanese banks are in need of
correspondent banks in the U.S. to clear their transactions in U.S.
dollars.
Lebanese
commercial banks have now found themselves in hot water for simply
providing financial and banking services to their clientele because
of sanctions that, to say the least, are illegal per international
law.
According
to Chapter VII of the UN Charter, sanctions are to be imposed by the
U.N. Security Council, following a determination that there is a
threat to, or a breach of, international peace and security. This
means that a sole UN member state is not entitled to impose economic
sanctions upon another member or any sovereign state. The application
of said unilateral sanctions itself violates the UN’s Declaration
on the Principles of International Law, concerned with friendly
relations and cooperation among states.
The
resolution, in accordance with its charter, was adopted by the
General Assembly in October 1970, and references “the duty of
States to refrain in their international relations from military,
political, economic or any other form of coercion aimed against the
political independence or territorial integrity of any State.”
The
fact that the U.S. sanctions countries whenever its president pleases
could in itself be considered a hostile act. Even in wartime, these
sorts of collective punishments are illegal under the Geneva
Conventions. Illegal U.S. sanctions mostly affect the poorest sectors
of society, lead to violations of human rights, and are aimed at
coercing foreign entities.
What
happened with Jamal Trust Bank leaves many question marks in the
Lebanese banking sector about the fate of depositors and borrowers.
And more questions about how the BDL will deal with this issue? What
will be the stance of the Lebanese political blocs? How will the
Lebanese Association of Banks, which abides by all U.S.-imposed
regulations and actions, deal with this new dilemma? Will Lebanese
officials be able to alleviate the U.S.’s unending harassment of
Lebanon’s banking sector at every regional or international
geopolitical crossroad? And finally, until when will the
international community watch in silence as the U.S. continues to
violate international law to coerce sovereign nations to abide by the
empire’s own foreign policy?
Dr.
Marwa Osman is a University Lecturer at the Lebanese International
University and Maaref University. She is a political writer and
commentator on Middle East issues and her work appears in many
international outlets.
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