Wednesday, 11 February 2015

The Greek- German crisis - 02/10/2015

Greece could seek Russian, US, Chinese cash if Germany blocks new deal


Greek Defense Minister Panos Kammenos (Reuters/Yorgos Karahalis)

10 February, 2015


Greece warns that if informal EU leader Germany remains rigid on granting Athens a new deal, it will seek assistance elsewhere. The US, Russia and China are the possible candidates.


The warning came from new Greek Defense Minister Panos Kammenos, who assumed office after the populist Syriza party won a general election in January and its leader Alexis Tsipras took over as prime minister from Antonis Samaras.

"What we want is a deal. But if there is no deal - hopefully (there will be) - and if we see that Germany remains rigid and wants to blow apart Europe, then we have the obligation to go to Plan B. Plan B is to get funding from another source," Kammenos told Greek television on an overnight show running into early Tuesday, as reported by Reuters. 

"It could be the United States at best, it could be Russia, it could be China or other countries," he said.
Syriza gained a plurality of votes thanks to its EU-skeptic platform and a promise to oppose austerity measures imposed on the ailing Mediterranean nation by the "Troika" of foreign creditors in exchange for a debt bailout.


Kammenos is not a member of Syriza, but comes from the Independent Greeks, an ally in the coalition government. In the program he said his party and Syriza had converging views on “80 percent of issues” and that way of dealing with the debt is among those they agree on.


The new Greek cabinet wants part of the national debt written off, a demand that Germany has rejected. Athens also opposes some of Brussels' policies, most notably the anti-Russian sanctions over the Ukrainian crisis, which led to a painful trade war between Russia and Europe.

In the wake of Syriza’s victory, Moscow indicated that it may consider offering a loan to Greece.


Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias will visit Moscow on Wednesday to meet his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov, the Russian embassy in Athens reported on Tuesday.


Greek FinMin Varoufakis Warns "Be Ready For A Clash"


10 February, 2015

Germany's Steinmeier reiterated that "Greece needs to respect its bailout pledges," but Greek Finance Minister Varoufakis told lawmakers that "the post-bailout period for Greece begins today," warning that...
  • *GREECE WON'T ACCEPT BAILOUT TERMS DEEPENING CRISIS: VAROUFAKIS
  • *VAROUFAKIS: WE DON'T SEEK A CLASH, WE ARE AWARE OF PROSPECT
Demanding a new loan contract with partners, Varoufakis concluded that Greece "seeks an honest anti-bailout agreement." Not what the EU wants to hear...



Varoufakis added:
  • *GREECE WANTS A NEW LOAN CONTRACT WITH PARTNERS, VAROUFAKIS SAYS
  • *VAROUFAKIS: ONE SHOULD BE READY FOR CLASH IN ORDER TO NEGOTIATE
  • *VAROUFAKIS: I WON'T PLAY GAME THEORY WITH GREECE'S FATE
  • *GREEK FINANCE MINISTER SAYS 30 PCT OF BAILOUT IS TOXIC AND WE WILL REJECT IT
  • *VAROUFAKIS: GREECE WON'T REJECT TAX SYSTEM REFORM
  • *VAROUFAKIS: GREECE TO SEEK HONEST ANTI-BAILOUT AGREEMENT

The European view
The REAL Greek Negotiations: Situation Is “Berserk", "There Is No Plan", "Greeks Digging Own Graves"



Forget any conciliation: what is going on behind the scenes a day ahead of the Eurogroup meeting is nothing short of нdisaster.  

The Greeks are digging their own graves,” warns one EU official, according to MNI, with another exclaiming the Greek plan as “hopeless” and added “how can you have a plan when you make no payment obligation till the autumn and then you probably scrap that.” Simply put, speaking on condition of anonymity, an EU official described the situation as “berserk” adding “there is no pln.”








The carefully orchestrated dance between the new Greek government and its European creditors appeared to crack Tuesday, with top Brussels officials infuriated by what they see as wildly misleading claims coming from Athens.
...
A senior European official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, described the situation as “berserk” and said, “there is no plan.”
... 
The Greeks are digging their own graves,” the EU official said.
At the start of the Tuesday, Greece floated its latest funding plan via press leaks, including to the Kathimerini newspaper,  proposing a bridge financing programme that would lead to a “new deal” with creditors from September onwards.
There were reportedly four parts to the new deal: 30% of the existing memorandum with the Troika will be cancelled and replaced with 10 new reforms agreed with the OECD; Greece’s primary surplus target would be cut from 3% of GDP this year to 1.49%; Greek debt would be reduced via an already announced swap plan; and the “humanitarian crisis” would be alleviated via policies announced by Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras Sunday.
...

The first official described the plan as “hopeless” and added “how can you have a plan when you make no payment obligation till the autumn and then you probably scrap that.”
An exchange between the new Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis and Europe’s representatives, Thomas Wieser and Declan Costello, on Sunday was not successful, according to a source with knowledge of the encounter. The source said the Greek side gave the impression that if the Eurogroup did not agree with its stance, then the creditors could “go to hell.”
...

For the Eurogroup to just agree new liquidity puts an awful lot of faith in a new government, without knowing what’s planned,” he said. “The ECB has stopped support, the EFSF and ESM need programmes and bilateral loans would be hard to pass domestically.”
READ MORE HERE...

And finally...







Meanwhile, the only advisor to the new Greek government, the investment bank Lazard, is not seen as playing a positive role by the EU side to date.
One EU official described the Lazard bankers as “incompetent” and “counterproductive.”

Compromise?

Meanwhile, we may have just hit peak trial balloons. Too bad the ECB can't monetize those when it runs out of Bunds to buy.



Commentary from Zero Hedge

How Fast Would Contagion Spread If Greece Exits The Eurozone


10 February, 2015

Perhaps the most curious aspect of this, third, Greece ""exit crisis, is just how completely unnoticed it has gone by the capital "markets", or rather non-Greek capital markets. Which, considering the changed dynamics of the negotiations, was to be expected. As explained again earlier, this time around it is imperative on the central planning regime to keep stocks and bonds as stable as possible heading into tomorrow's negotiations with Greece, because should global risk not bat an eyelid, it will mean that Greek leverage is non-existent as the "market" (which courtesy of central banks no longer really exists) does not anticipate any contagion, and is why the S&P has actually been surging in the past week.

There are two problems with this, as UBS laid out yesterday: 1) (lack of) risk no longer reflecting reality doesn't make sense and 2) "Breaking the deadlock" in negotiations voluntarily may not be easy, "hence, outside pressure—in the form of financial and market dislocations—seems necessary to focus minds."

However, as we noted yesterday, point 2 is only relevant for Europe: Syriza, and largely Greece, no longer cares what the stock market does: only the Eurozone does (and as long as the ECB is there to backstop it in any case, the European "market" isn't going anywhere). If anything, the only concern of the Greeks is what happens to bank deposits, although by this point anyone who would have pulled their money from the bank already has.

Which means that once again, thanks to central bank intervention, the discounting process is broken, and has been skewed to reach a specific political outcome. However, in the worst case scenario - one in which Greece does exit the Eurozone - it will simply mean that the moment of reality has been at best postponed. And the moment when the can kicking ends and reality can no longer be avoided is the millisecond after Greece announces it has quit the Eurozone.
What happens then is why UBS has dedicated an entire section to the contagion risk which is now being thoroughly masked by central bank intervention, and which will only emerge, and with a vengeance,  if the worst case does indeed transpire. Needless to say, when it emerges it will be fast.

Here is how UBS believes a Greek Eurozone contagion will play out:
The contagion risk of a euro exit reflects the fact that there is a meaningful risk that other countries would join Greece in leaving the euro. The euro is patently not an optimal currency union at the moment, which gives economic momentum to the idea of a broader fragmentation.

Whether other countries leave the euro is contingent on two questions with binary outcomes:

  •     Do bank depositors think that their country could leave the euro?
  •     Does the euro area guarantee the integrity of the banking system?

A "double lock" is required to prevent contagion. An assurance that bank deposits are guaranteed by the ECB is completely worthless if the general public believe that the country is going to leave the Euro. If one believes that one's country may leave the euro, then what the ECB does or does not do will no longer apply within one's country, and so it is rational to withdraw one's money sooner rather than later. The parallel here is to the Czech and Slovak monetary union break-up in 1993; the governments both assured the public that the monetary union would stay and their savings were safe, but the public did not regard these statements as credible and so removed their savings from banks. The process became self-fulfilling as the extent of deposit flight contributed to the governments being forced to break their promises and end the monetary union.


If on the other hand, the authorities (in this case the euro area governments and the ECB) demonstrate so strong a commitment to the integrity of the remainder of the euro that they convince depositors that their money is safe, then there is no motivation to withdraw money from the banking system of a country as the assertion that depositors will be protected has validity. The parallel here is the US monetary union fragmentation and reforming between 1932 and 1933. The statements of the Federal government were not believed (and the monetary union fragmented) until what has been referred to as the "one, two punch" of a closing of the entire banking system and a "fireside chat" from the newly inaugurated President Roosevelt. The scale of the emergency banking legislation was seen as sufficient to guarantee the integrity of the system.

It is very difficult for governments to control the progress of a monetary union break-up because the example of one country exiting will create a precedent in the eyes of other members of the monetary union. The transmission channel is not government bonds, nor equities, not currency markets, but banks. In the event of a Greek exit from the euro, the loss in the real value of Greek bank deposits would encourage bank depositors in other countries to withdraw their funds. This is not a question of bank solvency in these other countries – just as deposit withdrawal from Scottish banks ahead of the Scottish referendum in 2014 was presumably not motivated by questions of solvency. Rather the motive is the perception of risk around what currency one will receive in exchange for one's deposit in the future, and what that currency will buy relative to what it can buy today.

The process can be very rapid indeed.

In its 1933 report the US Federal Reserve commented, with commendable understatement, that at the start of the year "In addition to currency hoarding, there were substantial transfers of deposit accounts from banks in which depositors had lost confidence to other institutions, involving in many cases the shift of funds from one section of the country to another."

Nevada was the first state to declare a bank holiday on 31 October 1932. The contagion was initially quite slow, but then accelerated – on 4 February 1933 Louisiana joined in, and then on 14 February Michigan declared a four-day holiday and then extended it. Michigan's actions are regarded as the tipping point for contagion. Less than a fortnight later a bank holiday was declared in Maryland. On 1 March 1933 four states declared holidays, another six declared on 2 March, another seven on 3 March, and five (including New York) on 4 March 1933. On 6 March 1933 the national banking system was closed by Presidential order.
In the case of the euro area it seems unlikely that the current, incomplete banking union and non-existent fiscal union would be sufficient to prevent the contagion of bank runs spreading to other countries in the wake of a Greek exit from the euro

The starting point is that other countries are at risk of departure in response to a Greek exit. If the political status quo is maintained, it has to be thought likely, maybe probable, that Greece will not be alone in exiting the euro. It would be irrational for depositors to gamble their life savings if they believe that there is even a 5% chance that their country could leave the Euro. A 5% chance of a 60% loss in the value of one's savings (assuming a Greek parallel) would make the effort of withdrawing or transferring funds worthwhile. As with the deposit withdrawal within Greece, once the first spark of fear has been ignited the conflagration of contagion is likely to spread very rapidly.

The issue is whether, subsequent to those strains emerging, new policy initiatives from the euro area would be sufficient to change perceptions around the credibility of the political will to defend the integrity of the euro. Unlimited support from the ECB to euro area banks, large-scale debt monetisation and euro area fiscal confederation would be the sort of policies that could change the perception of credibility. All, of course, come at a cost. One metric to measure the success of such policies might be analysis of the contagion not of bond or other financial markets, but of household sight deposits at banks. The correlation of the change in Greek deposits with the changes in sight deposits in some other peripheral countries has also been high in the past (notably in the wake of 2008 and in the wake of the first wave of concerns about membership of the euro area). While the correlations of deposit change are generally quite low, they are rising. Correlation is not causation, and there are many other factors (including overall economic performance) that can encourage such a correlation, but this fact does rather emphasise the risks.

The rise of European anti-establishment political parties in recent years has, perhaps, increased the risk of a more widespread contagion to other financial systems. Deference to authority, and particularly to authority within Europe, has diminished. Official assurances of the "irrevocable" monetary union (except for Greece) would likely carry less weight. The fact that anti-establishment parties have (to generalise) tended to draw support from lower skilled, older voters may further compound the problem. This economic demographic is less able to adjust their savings so as to hedge break-up risk (making physical cash the main option), and as an older age cohort they are more likely to have savings that are vulnerable.

This then adds an entirely unpredictable element to the Euro area cost of a Greek exit from the euro. The direct costs can be calculated, and an intelligent approximation of the costs of increased risk can be factored in. However, if the break-up of the union expands, the direct costs expand exponentially (because the costs of the Target 2 system increase, and the costs of recapitalising for the remaining members increase, and the costs of financial system exposure increase). The transmission of fear may not be to the most obvious of candidates of course – this is not a question of solvency or of economics. If a Greek exit from the euro leads to other countries exiting, it will be the lack of plausibility of policy makers that generates the collapse.

* * *

Which is precisely why Syriza is still, in this late 11th hour, maintaining its uncompromising position in hopes that Europe finally grasps that the downside risk from a Grexit is far, far greater than the downside from appearing weak and caving to one peripheral nation. It remains to be seen if Europe agrees with this, although following today's seesaw rumor-induced action, it appears that the standoff may well end without any agreement.



Yanis Varoufakis im Interview (engl. Originalton) | tagesschau.de
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