The perfect conspiracy theory
Is Greece Becoming a New Russian Satellite State?
The
Kremlin’s strategy of supporting the far left and the far right,
playing on resentment of Berlin and Brussels, is bearing fruit.
Petros Giannakouris/AP Photo
27
February, 2015
ATHENS
— Just above a designer clothes shop on a main road in downtown
Athens, Ukraine’s crisis has come to Greece. While customers browse
expensive dresses and high-heeled shoes below, two floors up
volunteers pack boots and thermal underwear into boxes to send to
Ukrainian soldiers fighting a war just under 2,000 miles away.
But
the Ukrainian Diaspora of Greece Volunteers: from Greece with Love is
not so well-loved in Greece, in fact. This is a country whose
sympathies very largely lie with Moscow and whose new left-wing
government is positively cosy with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
“Maria,”
a volunteer who declines to give her real name, is blunt: “In
Greece the media always talks about the conflict as a civil war.
There is no mention of Russian involvement whatsoever,” she says.
“Nor is there any real mention of the Russian equipment and weapons
flowing to the separatists. In fact the only mention of weapons is
the discussion of the inevitability of the U.S. supplying weapons and
special forces to the Ukrainian army.”
“The
vast majority of Ukraine reporting on Greek TV comes from Russia,”
adds Anna Zaika, a Ukrainian accountant also involved with the group
who has been living in Greece for 10 years. “You’ll see a Greek
reporter being interviewed about the Ukraine crisis and he’ll be
standing in Red Square—it’s ridiculous.”
“We
plan to fight on the information battlefield,” says Elena Getseva,
one of the founders of the group. “We have to fight for people to
know the truth, so we will work with historians and journalists to
publicize facts to counteract these things.”
While
support for Russia has dropped across the world, 61 percent of Greeks
hold positive views toward Moscow.
“Everyone
who supports Ukraine is labeled a fascist,” says Zaika. In
November, an “anti-fascist” rally was held at Athens University
where attendees flew flags of the Donetsk People’s Republic, the
separatist organization that now controls the eastern Ukrainian city
of Donetsk and some of its surrounding areas. It’s hard to imagine
a similar rally taking place in the UK, France or Germany.
According
to the Pew Research Center, while support for Russia has dropped
across the world, 61 percent of Greeks hold positive views toward
Moscow.
There
are several reasons for this. Ties between Russia and Greece are
historically strong. The countries are united by the Orthodox
religion, historic trading links and key political events. The 1821
revolution against Turkish rule, which led to the formation of the
modern Greek state, can trace some of its roots to the large Greek
population of the (then) Russian city of Odessa. Greece also flirted
with communism early in the 20th century (it took a vicious civil war
from 1946 to 1949 to defeat it). These ties live on in the collective
memory. Attica TV, a local Athens station, runs Russian lessons for
its viewers every week.
Then
there are today’s geopolitical factors. “It is not unusual for
Greek public opinion to be out of sync with its European partners and
the U.S.,” says Thanos Dokos, director at the Greek think tank, the
Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy. “It’s a
reaction to many issues” and “is more based on emotions rather
than interests.”
Zaika
is more blunt. Because of the Eurozone crisis in Greece and the pains
of prolonged austerity imposed at the urging of Berlin, “saying
‘Germany’ or ‘Merkel’ is like a curse, so if Merkel is
condemning Russia or being pro-Ukrainian this must be a bad thing.
The view here is that the USA is trying to ‘put down’ Russia and
Ukraine is the battlefield.”
All
of this makes fertile ground for Putin to exploit. As the historian
Anne Applebaum recently noted, Putin has spent years trying to
undermine the E.U. and NATO and to sow divisions among Western
powers. In Greece, a “fringe” European nation, he has a receptive
audience for this policy.
As
Dokos observes, the prevailing view in Greece is that the EuroMaidan
Revolution in Ukraine a year ago was the result of Western
intervention, and while he believes that anger with Germany and
disillusionment with the EU now trumps anti-Americanism, there is no
doubt that this strain is still prevalent among certain sections of
Greek political society—especially on the left.
The
recent victory of the far-left party Syriza that now governs Greece
means that the influence of the left is likely to strengthen in
Greece—as are relations with Russia. The party has long publicly
identified itself with what it perceives to be “anti-imperialist”
causes like support for the Palestinians against Israeli and American
hegemony.
Moreover,
the governing coalition appears to have strong links with Russia.
Syriza is in a parliamentary partnership with the hard-right
Independent Greeks Party and, according to Christo Grozev, a
researcher for the Risk Management Lab at the New Bulgarian
University in Sofia, there is evidence of the active engagement
between RISS, a Russian think tank that provides “information
support” to the Russian government, and both the Independent Greeks
and Syriza in the months preceding their election victory. RISS is
chaired by Leonid Reshetnikov, an ex-Foreign Intelligence Service
(FSB) general fluent in Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian.
Grozev
believes that the RISS is a key factor in Putin’s plans for
destabilizing European states, especially in the Balkans.
Reshetnikov, he claims, has personally worked in Bulgaria with the
leadership of the extreme right-wing ATAKA party, and with the
leadership of the extreme left-wing ABV party. This focus on the hard
right and left in Bulgaria echoes its links with the Independent
Greeks and Syriza prior to them joining together to form the
coalition that now governs Greece.
Meanwhile,
in France and Britain, demagogic politicians like Nigel Farage of the
U.K. Independence Party and Marine Le Pen of the National Front
express their admiration for Putin and their loathing of the EU. In
the post-financial-crash world, their voices are being heeded like
never before.
In
a statement on February 25, 2015, American Gen. Philip Breedlove,
NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe, talked of the effectiveness
of Russia’s “propaganda machine,” which “attempts to exploit
potential sympathetic or aggrieved populations.”
In
Greece, the truth of his words is plain to see: Kremlin policy is
making ever more advances into Europe’s political consciousness.
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