Cory
Morningstar nails it.
THIS
CHANGES NOTHING: THE PARIS AGREEMENT TO IGNORE REALITY
Cory
Morningstar
27
October, 2016
The
following is an excerpt from the paper This Changes Nothing: The
Paris Agreement to Ignore Reality authored by Clive L. Spash, WU
Vienna University of Economics and Business, Vienna, Austria
“The
Paris Agreement signifies commitment to sustained industrial growth,
risk management over disaster prevention, and future inventions and
technology as saviour. The primary commitment of the international
community is to maintain the current social and economic system. The
result is denial that tackling GHG emissions is incompatible with
sustained economic growth. The reality is that Nation States and
international corporations are engaged in an unremitting and ongoing
expansion of fossil fuel energy exploration, extraction and
combustion, and the construction of related infrastructure for
production and consumption. The targets and promises of the Paris
Agreement bear no relationship to biophysical or social and economic
reality.”
The
Paris Agreement follows suit and claims that: ‘Accelerating,
encouraging and enabling innovation is critical for an effective,
long-term global response to climate change and promoting change does
not require new technology which, even when successful, takes decades
to move from invention to innovation to implementation. That time
frame is a luxury that has already been squandered by decades of
inaction and fossil fuel expansion. The reduction of GHGs is
necessary immediately using existing appropriate (not high)
technology, changing infrastructure, systemic transformation and
control of demand.
Therein
lies the problem with the Paris Agreement; it is a fantasy which
lacks any actual plan of how to achieve the targets for emissions
reductions. There are no mentions of GHG sources, not a single
comment on fossil fuel use, nothing about how to stop the expansion
of fracking, shale oil or explorations for oil and gas in the Arctic
and Antarctic. Similarly, there are no means for enforcement. Article
15 on implementation and compliance establishes an expert committee
that will be ‘non-adversarial and non-punitive’, which means that
it has no teeth and can do nothing about non-compliance. Then, there
is Article 28, which offers the withdrawal option without any
sanctions. Everyone seems to have already conveniently forgotten how
Canada backed out of the Kyoto Protocol in order to frack on a
massive and environmentally catastrophic industrial scale.
What
is the point of trusting the governments who sign up to this
agreement with one hand while investing ever more in fossil fuel
extraction, combustion and consumption with the other? These are the
same governments who know the world already has proven fossil fuel
reserves that exceed the amount that can be combusted by at least
three times,[3] for an even chance of achieving 2C, but continue
exploring for more. They are the same governments promoting 7 per
cent growth rates and the proliferation of industrialisation and
modern energy infrastructure including advanced fossil fuel
technology (UN Resolution A/RES/70/1). So, they give us promises of
1.5C while constructing infrastructure and supporting production
processes requiring massive fossil fuel expansion in an economic
system built on mass conspicuous consumption and a throwaway fashion
culture.
The
divorce of economic and energy policy from the targets of Article 2
can only be seen as either total cynicism or total delusion on the
part of the negotiators applauding in Paris. Perhaps they are all
highly trained in the Orwellian art of doublethink. In any case, the
aspirational targets bear no relationship at all to the reality of
what governments, and their business partners, are actually doing
today,[4] or the other treaties the same governments are
simultaneously signing. The economic system is already committed to
continue exploiting resources as fast as possible in the race for
ever-increasing material and energy throughput. Just look at the
European Community’s Horizon 20:20 goals and their promotion of
growth and competition and the ongoing push for the Transatlantic
Trade and Investment Partnership. Apparently, economic growth is the
priority to be protected and promoted above all else.
The
contradiction at the heart of the Paris Agreement is actually
unsurprising because the powerful lobbying for growth as the solution
to climate change has for some time been orchestrated by corporate
business and financiers using the rhetoric of a green economy. As I
have noted elsewhere (Spash, 2014), this has involved the combination
of arguments for growth alleviating poverty with the necessity of
environmental risk management, and ‘green’ technology promoted
through trillions of dollars being directed towards ‘entrepreneurs’
(i.e. multinational corporations), to create a ‘new economy’.
Technology and innovation are key to this position with its
neo-Austrian economics and ‘free market’ rhetoric. Climate change
policy must be crafted accordingly to serve the capital accumulating
growth economy, and so the latter becomes the solution to (not the
cause of) the former.
Unfortunately,
many environmental non-governmental organisations have bought into
this illogical reasoning and justify their support as being
pragmatic. Neoliberal language is rife across their reports and
policy recommendations and their adoption of natural capital,
ecosystems services, offsetting and market trading. These new
environmental pragmatists believe, without justification, that the
financialisation of Nature will help prevent its destruction. Thus,
environmentalists promote carbon emissions trading but pay little
attention to its dangers and failures (Spash, 2010). For example, Nat
Keohane of the Environmental Defence Fund has noted on their website
how they pushed in the corridors of Paris for ‘an opening for
markets’. The right-wing government of New Zealand, leading an
18-country lobby, also had its negotiators pushing for the same
international carbon markets. However, you will not find emissions
trading, markets, cap and trade or offsets, mentioned in the
doublespeak of the Agreement, but rather the term ‘internationally
transferred mitigation outcomes’ (clause 108 and Article 6),
something Keohane applauds.
Doublespeak
and wording that is strategically ambiguous is the high point of
international diplomacy in the Paris Agreement. This is what made the
Agreement possible and why it is so meaningless. Do not look for the
words oil, natural gas, coal or fracking because they do not merit
even one single mention. Nor indeed is there anything about
addressing the sources of human GHG emissions, or the structures that
promote them. Consider something as fundamental as energy use. The
one sentence that mentions energy appears in the preamble and merely
acknowledges the need to promote ‘sustainable energy in developing
countries, in particular in Africa’.
What
the Paris Agreement tells is a bizarrely unreal story. Apparently,
the cause of climate change is not fossil fuel combustion or energy
sources but inadequate technology and the solution is sustainable
development (i.e. economic growth and industrialisation) and poverty
alleviation. As far as the current production and consumption systems
are concerned, little needs to change. There are no elites consuming
the vast majority of the world’s resources, no multinational
corporations or fossil fuel industry needing to be controlled, no
capital accumulating competitive systems promoting trade and fighting
over resources and emitting vast amounts of GHGs through military
expenditure and wars, and no governments expanding fossil fuel use
and dependency.
The
unreality of this document is only matched by the unreality of the
praise given to it by the media and others. This is a sign of how
much strategic ambiguity and doublespeak have now become an accepted
way for international politics to be conducted and reported. People
can even applaud stating that the whole UNFCCC has failed for over 20
years and the planet is headed well beyond 2C. The rhetorical
flourish of successful agreement is meant to hide a total lack of
substance. The Paris Agreement is at heart a document that consists
of independent unilateral unenforceable targets but is being sold as
a multi-lateral consensus with firm commitments.
In
the final analysis, a simple test of the effectiveness of the Paris
Agreement would have been a dramatic drop in the share price of the
fossil fuel industry, which is loaded with toxic assets.
That
is, a serious agreement would have written-off all the fossil fuel
reserves that cannot be burnt without heading way beyond the already
exceed 2C target. This would have revealed the financial balance
sheets that are bankrupt. Nothing happened to the stock market
because the Paris Agreement is perceived by the fossil fuel industry,
and financial markets, as no threat to business as usual, and
possibly it is even a great opportunity for new financial instruments
and ongoing economic exploitation of the planet, with trillions to
come to the energy industry in subsidies for innovation and
technology development.
In
reality, the Paris Agreement is a compilation of nationally
determined intended contradictions. The UNFCCC Secretariat advanced
no plan of action and its latest Agreement is totally divorced from
the operations of the current economic and political systems.
Human-induced climate change can now conveniently slip off the
political and media agenda until the time comes for the next major
cop-out due in 2023 when a ‘stock-taking’ exercise is scheduled.
By then few, if any, of the politicians responsible for this farce
are likely to be in office, and neither they nor the bureaucrats and
negotiators who have celebrated this great success will ever be held
accountable. An acceleration of climate change impacts seems to be
the only thing that will now alter the complacency of the global
community.
Download
the full paper:
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14747731.2016.1161119
[3]
The excess of three times is based upon large conservative estimates
of the available remaining budget, namely 1400 Gt of CO2, under a 50%
chance of achieving 28C (Raupach et al., 2014, p. 874). IPCC (2013)
calculations are much lower, but even these have been criticised as
neither up-to-date (referencing 2011) nor adequately taking into
account non-energy emissions which reduce the amount left for fossil
fuels. Doing so leads Anderson (2015) to estimate the remaining
budget for energy emissions over the period 2015–2100, at about 650
Gt of CO2 for a ‘likely’ (66%) chance of staying below 28C. On
this basis, the excess of reserves is over 6 times the available
budget. Going down to 1.58C and/or increasing the chance of achieving
the target increase(s) the excess even further.
[4]
The commitments already made to exploiting new fossil fuel sources by
2012 were estimated as leading to the release of 300 Gt CO2
equivalent between 2012 and 2050 (Meindertsma & Blok, 2012). This
is being added to the existing excess of unburnable stocks for the
28C target (McGlade & Ekins, 2015); see also previous note.
[Professor
Clive L. Spash holds the Chair of Public Policy & Governance at
WU in Vienna and is Editor-in-Chief of Environmental Values. He has
conducted research on climate change economics and policy for over 25
years and his work in the area includes the book Greenhouse
economics: Value and ethics as well as numerous articles. His
critique of carbon trading was the subject of attempted censorship
while he was a senior civil servant at the CSIRO in Australia. More
information can be found at www.clivespash.org.]
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