Democrats yield in Senate trade deal
The
agreement would give Democrats a chance to vote on two of their trade
priorities as standalone bills.
13
May, 2015. 11:54
AM EDT,
The
Senate’s trade war lasted just about a day.
After
Democrats engineered a stunning defeat of President Barack Obama’s
push for new trade deals on Tuesday, negotiators hashed out a
compromise that offered both parties a way to save face without
scuttling the administration’s trade agenda. At the least, the
agreement means the Senate is likely to pass new powers for the
president to fast-track trade pacts through Congress.
But
Democrats failed to guarantee enactment of their priorities by
attaching them to the fast-track bill. Instead, Democratic measures
that would crack down on currency manipulators and expand trade with
Africa will get stand-alone votes on Thursday. The currency
provisions, in particular, face an uncertain future in the House even
if they pass the Senate and are unlikely to become law.
Under
the deal announced Wednesday by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell
(R-Ky.), the Senate will also vote Thursday to open debate on the
trade promotion authority fast-track measure that’s linked with
Trade Adjustment Assistance, which is intended to help workers who
lose their jobs as a result of expanded trade.
That
vote should succeed now that party leaders have struck an agreement.
But final passage won’t come till next week at the earliest.
Other
than locking in votes on a customs enforcement bill that includes the
currency manipulation language and the African Growth and Opportunity
Act, which provides duty-free access for sub-Saharan African
countries to sell many goods in the United States, it’s unclear
what else Democrats gained from Tuesday’s showdown.
“These
deals were offered to them early yesterday,” said Sen. John Thune
of South Dakota, No. 3 in the Republican leadership. “They just got
throttled: ‘President rebuked. Democrats defy president. President
thwarted.’ Those were the headlines this morning. That was a
terrible place for them to be. They overplayed their hand.”
Labor
groups, who’ve been fighting new trade pacts, chided Democrats for
not standing firm until all their demands were met.
“What
they demanded yesterday, they should continue to demand today,”
said AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka. “Those who want to get trade
right must demand that fast track doesn’t move unless currency and
other enforcement tools are included in the package. Anything less
leaves America’s workers, domestic producers and communities
behind.”
But
Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.), a trade bill opponent,
may have done all he could to keep his party united. There are about
15 Democrats who support expanding trade deals, and forcing them to
keep blocking the fast-track bill was untenable.
Anti-trade
Democrats argued their resistance in the Senate should bolster House
Democrats who are also wary of new trade agreements.
At
the least, their efforts will make it much harder for McConnell to
finish the bill before the Memorial Day recess. Senators from both
parties are sure to offer amendments to the fast-track measure and
the trade assistance bill, which will take days if not weeks to
complete.
That
means a scheduling crunch for Republicans, who still have to deal
with expiring highway and surveillance laws and are getting jammed by
the House with a PATRIOT Act reform law that McConnell loathes.
And
Democrats argued that locking in votes on all four major trade
provisions was a victory. Senate Finance Chairman Orrin Hatch
(R-Utah) had agreed in April to bring up those measures, only to run
into a more reluctant McConnell, who publicly offered them an open
amendment process but did not explicitly commit to holding votes on
Democrats’ priorities until Wednesday afternoon.
“This
was discussed weeks ago,” said Sen. Bill Nelson (D-Fla.), who
tangled with McConnell on the Senate floor on Monday.
Nelson
then pointed to two points on his arm just inches apart. “Sometimes
to get from here to there, you have to go all the way around your
elbow,” he quipped.
Holding
the additional votes would “not imperil” the fast-track bill,
McConnell said.
Republicans, pro-trade Democrats and the president
all say the trade promotion authority measure, which would allow the
president to submit trade pacts to Congress for an up-or-down vote
without amendments, is vital for approving a huge Pacific Rim trade
agreement currently being negotiated by the administration.
But
mixing in the customs enforcement bill and its currency manipulation
language was a bridge too far.
“We
have to take some of these votes separately or we kill the underlying
legislation,” McConnell said. “It’s reasonable, and I look
forward to our colleagues from across the aisle joining with us.”
Reid
thanked McConnell for locking in votes that Democrats had been pining
for.
“I
think we’ve come up with something that’s fair,” Reid said.
Earlier,
Reid and the No. 3 Democrat, Sen. Chuck Schumer of New York, had
floated a plan to vote on the trade bills as a single package,
including the fast-track authority viewed as critical to Obama, but
without a currency manipulation provision that could kill the bill in
the House.
That
was summarily rejected by Republicans as yet another attempt by
Democrats to dictate McConnell’s agenda.
“That’s
not acceptable,” said Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas) in
an interview. “We’re not willing to change that deal. Plus we’re
not willing to let Democrats run the place. They seem to think that
they’re still in the majority and that Sen. Reid is the majority
leader. He is not.”
Republicans
said they’ve already compromised with pro-trade Democrats by adding
Trade Adjustment Assistance to the fast-track trade promotion
authority bill, so adding an African trade bill and a customs
enforcement measure to the package — even without the poison-pill
currency language — was never going to fly.
Republicans
privately predicted that a customs bill stripped of problematic
currency manipulation language would easily pass the Senate, as would
the African Growth and Opportunity Act. But the customs bill could
face a tough vote on Thursday since the currency language has been
left in. Many pro-trade lawmakers and White House officials believe
it could lead to designating China as a currency manipulator and harm
the emerging pact on the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
“If
it has currency manipulation attached to it, it makes it harder,”
Thune said.
GOP
sources said it was highly likely that there will still be currency
manipulation votes on the TPA bill; Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio) has
been assured by leadership that he will get a crack at his amendment.
Throughout
the breakneck talks, GOP leaders were less interested in dealing with
Reid and Schumer and tried to strike a deal with Democrats who could
support the trade bills. But ultimately they were forced to deal with
Reid and Schumer, who flexed their muscles during a stunning Tuesday
vote that sent a message to the GOP that it would be impossible to
move forward without their buy-in, even though they won’t
ultimately support the trade bill.
“You
have to remember, not everybody who’s making these proposals
actually want us to pass TPA,” Cornyn said.
Though
it may be impossible to finish the trade package this month, given
the need to renew expiring laws before Memorial Day, lawmakers are
scrambling to produce a result before the recess. Pro-trade Democrats
were summoned to the White House on Tuesday afternoon after blocking
the trade package, then met privately on Wednesday morning.
Hatch
and Finance Committee ranking member Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), perhaps the
pivotal Democrat on trade, never stopped talking about a way to break
the logjam, Wyden said in an interview, even after Hatch lambasted
Wyden for changing the terms of their deal on trade assistance and
fast-track.
“We
have been working with Democrats and Republicans pretty much nonstop
since yesterday,” Wyden said. “Failing on this is completely
unacceptable.”
Hatch
was less enthused, even after it was clear his cherished trade bill
would move forward. The octogenarian told reporters the whole episode
had nearly driven him mad.
“I’m
about ready to kill somebody,” he said as he entered the Senate
chamber to vote and hear the particulars of the agreement.
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