THE
CORE INTERNET INSTITUTIONS ABANDON THE US GOVERNMENT
IGP,
11
October, 2013
In
Montevideo, Uruguay this week, the Directors of all the major
Internet organizations – ICANN, the Internet Engineering Task
Force, the Internet Architecture Board, the World Wide Web
Consortium, the Internet Society, all five of the regional Internet
address registries – turned their back on the US government. With
striking unanimity, the organizations that actually develop and
administer Internet standards and resources initiated a break with 3
decades of U.S. dominance of Internet governance.
A
statement released by this group called
for “accelerating the globalization of ICANN and IANA functions,
towards an environment in which all stakeholders, including all
governments, participate on an equal footing.” That part of the
statement constituted an explicit rejection of the US Commerce
Department’s unilateral oversight of ICANN through the IANA
contract. It also indirectly attacks the US unilateral approach to
the Affirmation of Commitments, the pact between the US and ICANN
which provides for periodic reviews of its activities by the GAC and
other members of the ICANN community. (The Affirmation was conceived
as an agreement between ICANN and the US exclusively – it would not
have been difficult to allow other states to sign on as well.)
Underscoring
the global significance and the determination of the group to have a
global impact, the Montevideo statement was released in English,
Spanish, French, Arabic, Russian and Chinese. In conversations with
some of the participants of the Montevideo meeting, it became clear
that they were thinking of new forms of multistakeholder oversight as
a substitute for US oversight, although no detailed blueprint exists.
But
that was only the beginning. A day after the Montevideo declaration,
the President and CEO of ICANN, Fadi Chehadi – the man vetted by
the US government to lead its keystone Internet governance
institution – met with Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. And at
this meeting, Chehade engaged in some audacious private Internet
diplomacy. He asked “the
president [of Brazil] to elevate her leadership to a new level, to
ensure that we can all get together around a new model of governance
in which all are equal.” A
press release from the Brazilian government said that President
Rousseff wanted
the event to be held in April 2014 in Rio de Janeiro.
The President of ICANN thus not only allied himself with a political
figure who has been intensely critical of the US government and the
NSA spying program, he conspired with her to convene a global meeting
to begin forging a new system of Internet governance that would move
beyond the old world of US hegemony.
Make
no mistake about it: this is important. It is the latest, and one of
the most significant manifestations of the fallout from the Snowden
revelations about NSA spying on the global Internet. It’s one thing
when the government of Brazil, a longtime antagonist regarding the US
role in Internet governance, gets indignant and makes threats because
of the revelations. And of course, the gloating of representatives of
the International Telecommunication Union could be expected. But this
is different. Brazil’s state is now allied with the spokespersons
for all of the organically evolved Internet institutions, the
representatives of the very “multi-stakeholder model” the US
purports to defend. You know you’ve made a big mistake, a
life-changing mistake, when even your own children abandon you en
masse.
Here
at the Internet Governance Project we take only a grim satisfaction
in this latest turn of events. We have been urging the USG to end its
privileged role and complete the privatization of the DNS management
for nearly ten years. The proper substitute for unilateral Commerce
Department oversight, we argued, was not multilateral “political
oversight” but an
international agreement articulating
clear rules regarding what ICANN can and cannot do, an agreement that
explicitly protects freedom of expression and other individual rights
and liberal Internet governance principles. We have heard every
argument imaginable about why this did not have to happen: no one
really cared about the governance of the DNS root; there was no
better alternative; the rest of the world secretly wanted the US to
do this; etc., etc. A combination of arrogance, complacency and
domestic political pressure prevented any action.
Had
that advice been heeded, had the US sought to divest itself of its
unilateral oversight on its own initiative, it could have exercised
some control over the transition and advanced its cherished values of
freedom and democracy. It could have ensured, for example, that an
independent ICANN was subject to clear limits on its authority and to
new forms of accountability, which it badly needs. Now the U.S. has
lost the initiative, irretrievably. The future evolution of Internet
name and number governance, at the very least, is no longer up to
them.
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