New
Zealand spy bills key up controversy
Laws
expected to pass this week anger surveillance-wary New Zealanders and
irk China, a major trading partner.
20
August, 2013
New
Zealand is on the verge of passing new legislation empowering its
electronic intelligence agency, the Government Communications
Security Bureau (GCSB), to carry out wider surveillance on its
citizens.
If
passed, the laws would allow the GCSB to covertly intercept
citizens' internet communications, force internet service
providers (ISPs) to provide port access to networks, and require
technology companies to provide de-encryption keys to secure data.
This
week, New Zealand's parliament is expected to pass the new spy
laws by a margin of just one vote. The government is relying on
centrist MP Peter Dunne, the leader of the United Future party, to
vote in favour of the legislation.
Dunne
initially had concerns that the legislation was too invasive,
unnecessarily compromising the civil liberties of New Zealanders.
But in July, the MP said he
would vote for the bill after meeting with New Zealand Prime
Minister John Key, who agreed to support changes suggested by
Dunne.
Domestic
opinion
While
polls show the prime minister is popular, the mood inside New
Zealand suggests the surveillance legislation is not. In July,
thousands took part in nationwide protests,
and a former High Court judge along with other prominent New
Zealanders have argued against the proposed laws.
Thomas
Beagle, a spokesperson for civil rights group Tech Liberty, says,
"We don't see a need for the GCSB to be given a new role
investigating cyber-crime. Nor do we think they should have
oversight and control of the implementation and operation of New
Zealand's communication networks." Rather, Beagle said, the
police "are the right body to investigate crime in New
Zealand".
Given
that New Zealand's GCSB shares its data with Five Eyes, an
intelligence-sharing alliance between the US, the UK, Canada,
Australia and New Zealand, Beagle asks, "Can we be sure whose
side the GCSB will be on when it comes to protecting New Zealand
communications from US spying?"
Prime
Minister Key defended the
proposed laws, saying, "In
the real world, in New Zealand, there are people who have been
trained for al-Qaeda camps, who operate out of New Zealand, who
are in contact with people overseas, who have gone off to Yemen
and other countries to train. I'm sorry, but it's the real world."
In
a statement,
Key said the country's pre-existing laws were difficult to
interpret. This confusion, he argued, led to the GCSB operating
illegally in New Zealand. "It is essential that an agency
which is exercising intrusive powers has a clear legal framework
to operate within."
A
geopolitical fault line
The
legislation would also grant the GCSB the power to approve or
reject the sale of new electronic hardware. This power would
likely be used to block Chinese hardware systems such as Huawei
from being sold in New Zealand, says Dr Paul Buchanan, an analyst
who heads 36th Parallel Assessments, a geopolitical consulting
firm.
Western
countries have been mounting pressure against Huawei since October
2012, when the US House of Representatives' intelligence
committee warned US
businesses against dealing with Huawei and another Chinese
telecommunications firm, ZTE, citing an 11-month investigation
that concluded their products were a security threat. There
were concerns
that the computers had backdoor vulnerabilities and "malicious
circuits".
In
March 2013, Washington required several
government agencies to seek approval from law enforcement agencies
before purchasing IT equipment from China.
Australia
has banned Huawei from tendering on a major broadband project, and
Canada and the United Kingdom have conducted investigations into
Huawei equipment.
Buchanan
believes that the push in New Zealand for new spying powers is
designed to complement US attempts to contain China's influence in
the Pacific. "The focus on the enhanced GCSB cyber-security
role is clearly directed at Chinese cyber-espionage," says
Buchanan, "which is a mix of corporate and traditional state
espionage done via electronic means".
He
warns that New Zealand is stressing the limits of its "strategic
balancing act" between the US and China. "The New
Zealand government sees the balancing act as a good way of hedging
its bets ... But even if that is the rationale, it appears to be
based more on wishful thinking than sound strategic logic."
For
example, the government initially allowed Huawei's equipment to be
used in New Zealand. Then it banned Huawei from bidding in
tenders. "That exclusion, announced in 2013, reverses the New
Zealand government's prior stance, announced as late as mid-2012,
that it had no issues with Huawei as a possible front for Chinese
intelligence," Buchanan said.
Seeby
Woodhouse, the founder of prominent New Zealand internet
service provider Orcon and the chief executive of Voyager
Internet, says blocking Huawei from tendering in New Zealand
is a moot point, as other major ISPs already use Huawei equipment.
He
explains that Huawei is now excluded because "the Five Eyes
network is much more keen on equipment from US vendors being
installed all around the world. Because then, at least, they can
have some control over how interception and spying is done."
Warming
New Zealand-US relations
The
Chinese embassy in New Zealand has not issued an official position
on the bills, which come in the wake of revelations that New
Zealand's biggest dairy company, Fonterra,
had exported contaminated
milk powder to China. In response to the scare, China's news
agency Xinhua wrote,
"Too often New Zealand's government appears to lay siege
to perceived trade barriers, battering bluntly away until the
doors swing open."
In
2008, New Zealand became the first OECD member state to sign a
free trade agreement with China. Since then, though, New Zealand's
security relationship with the United States has warmed. It has
signed on to NATO
security pacts,
the diplomatic Wellington
Declaration,
and the bilateralWashington
Declaration defence
framework.
Ties
between the US and New Zealand today, Buchanan says, indicate how
the two countries - whose relations had been strained for
many years - have become closer and how New Zealand's independent
voice has been silenced. This rapprochement, he believes, has put
stress on New Zealand's relationship with China,
its second-largest trading
partner after Australia.
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