Experience has shown me than when you think it can't get any worse it usually does.
How
do I perceive the difference between Democrats and Republicans in the
US? I see the difference as being between criminal and insane on the one
side; and criminal and TOTALLY insane on the other.
Emboldened
Republicans to strike early on Keystone pipeline approval
Senate
Republicans will charge ahead early in 2015 with a bill to approve
the long-stalled Keystone XL oil pipeline from Canada, a move that
would back President Barack Obama into a corner and set the tone for
how the party taking control of Congress will govern the next two
years.
The
$8 billion project would deliver heavy Canadian oil sands crude from
Alberta to Nebraska and make it easier to deliver oil from North
Dakota’s Bakken region to the U.S. Gulf Coast. It has languished
for six years awaiting presidential approval, which is needed because
the pipeline crosses a national border.
Legislation
earlier this year to approve the pipeline in a proposed end-run
around the administration already had an estimated 57 votes in the
100-member Senate, and is now thought to have a filibuster-proof 61
votes after Republican gains in Tuesday's mid-term elections.
In
addition, Republican Senator John Hoeven of North Dakota, who has
authored several Keystone bills in the past, will propose a new bill
for Congress to use the Foreign Commerce Clause of the U.S.
Constitution to green light the pipeline without the need for
presidential approval.
"I've
got a bill right now that's got about 56 co-sponsors," Hoeven,
who has fought for years in Congress to advance such a bill, told
Reuters. "And with the election results, we'll have over 60 who
clearly support the legislation."
Shares
in TransCanada, the builder and owner of the XL and other branches of
the Keystone pipeline system, rose as much as about 3 percent on
Wednesday on renewed optimism that the pipeline will finally go
ahead.
Political
observers look for Mitch McConnell, the expected new Senate Majority
Leader, to quickly back a Keystone bill because it has bipartisan
votes and the support of key constituencies, such as organized labor.
Hoeven’s
North Dakota counterpart Heidi Heitkamp, said she would do what she
did a few months ago when she got 10 Democratic senators to support
full approval of the pipeline.
"I’ll
continue to work with both sides to get it done," she told
Reuters in a statement, adding that its approval will "allow us
to move on and focus on the larger energy picture in this country."
Democrats
Tom Carper and Chris Coons, both from Delaware, have also indicated
previously that they support the pipeline.
“If
McConnell plays his cards right, he might be able to get the
Democratic votes necessary to get a bill out of the Senate. Whether
or not the president would sign such a bill is a whole other
question,” said Jim Manley, a former adviser to current Senator
Majority Leader Harry Reid.
Some
observers think McConnell will try to set a constructive tone for the
new congress by starting with a Keystone bill rather than more
confrontational measures, such as blocking coal regulations proposed
by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
"There
is a lot of concern about not overreaching and being seen as extreme.
They want to show that they can govern," said a former
Republican aide and political consultant.
Keystone
legislation would also force Obama to either veto a measure with
bipartisan support, or let a project advance that he has vowed to
stop if certain emissions criteria are not met.
“The
main result would be Republicans getting it on the record and using
it to demonstrate an obstructionist Democrat-Obama stance on the
issue,” said Divya Reddy, director of global energy at political
risk consultancy Eurasia Group.
The
pipeline has become a symbol for environmental groups and the oil
industry, galvanizing the green movement and forcing the White House
to focus on climate change.
For
industry, the delay in its approval has come to represent what they
say is the Obama administration's over-regulation and hindering of
energy development.
Energy
markets have largely moved past Keystone, though, since alternative
means are already on hand to move oil around the country.
For
now, the pipeline’s proposed route through Nebraska is still
entangled in a legal battle that could potentially drag on through
2015.
Beyond
Keystone, Republicans could look for other energy priorities that
could garner Democratic support, including a bill to speed up
liquefied natural gas export approvals and increase reliability of
the electric grid.
"The
name of this game is negotiation, not necessarily legislation,"
said Scott Segal, head of the Policy Resolution Group at industry
lobbying group Bracewell Guiliani.
But
as he signaled on the campaign trail, McConnell said from his
Kentucky headquarters on Wednesday that he is prepared to play
hardball on Republican priorities, such as battling EPA carbon
regulations.
“We
will use the power of the purse to try to push back against this
over-active bureaucracy and of course we have a huge example in this
GOP
Senate expected to advance oil and gas industry agendas
Republicans
emboldened by their Election Day victories are poised to use their
new power on Capitol Hill to advance oil and gas industry priorities,
beginning with approving the Keystone XL pipeline.
ADN,
5
November, 2014
Supporters
of that TransCanada Corp. project now count a filibuster-proof 61
votes in the Senate for legislation authorizing the pipeline and are
preparing to advance the measure early next year, once Republicans
take control of the chamber.
But
they won’t stop there. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, in line to
chair the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, is expected
to use her post to press aggressively for an end to the nation’s
long-standing ban on crude oil exports.
And
GOP leaders could look for middle ground on energy policy with
proposals to accelerate natural gas exports and a popular efficiency
bill that has been bogged down by the fight over Keystone XL.
Murkowski
said in an interview Wednesday that in terms of Alaska’s energy
needs she plans to concentrate first on “the lower-hanging fruit”
-- with work on hydroelectric, geothermal, ocean energy and other
alternative or renewable areas that are likely to win broad support.
“For
me to be setting the agenda on energy initiatives, I think is huge
for Alaska. It really is an opportunity for our issues to be heard,
to have that venue. It’s not to say it’s going to be all Alaska
all the time,” Murkowski said.
Alaska
is already exempt from the oil export ban but lifting it will still
benefit the state, she said.
“It
makes our oil that much more competitive and we have will additional
markets,” Murkowski said.
Opening
the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling is a top
priority, but she is not optimistic that the Republican-controlled
Congress will accomplish it.
“ANWR,
even with the chairmanship, is not a given that we can advance an
ANWR initiative to successful passage,” Murkowski said. “You’ve
got a president that is pretty committed to drawing a line in the
sand. That doesn’t mean we won’t push it and push it very hard.”
American
Petroleum Institute President Jack Gerard said he expects the new
Congress to “waste no time advancing a pro-energy, pro-growth
agenda,” with measures expanding access to domestic oil and gas
resources as well as efforts to rein in “duplicative and
unnecessary regulations.”
Although
Republicans will control the Senate and have an even bigger advantage
in the House of Representatives, they cannot count on 60 Senate votes
to advance all of their energy and environmental policies past
Democratic filibusters.
They
can press some stated goals -- such as chipping away at environmental
regulations or encouraging the Obama administration to relax the
rules for crude exports -- through committee oversight hearings.
For
instance, Murkowski is likely to step up the energy committee’s
oversight of the Interior Department -- giving the panel a chance to
scrutinize the department’s approach to protecting endangered
species, leasing public lands for oil development and permitting
offshore drilling. She also chairs the Appropriations subcommittee
over the Interior Department.
That’s
“budgetary oversight of the National Park Service. Of the Fish and
Wildlife Service. The Forest Service. BLM. The Indian Health Service.
The BIA. And the EPA,” Murkowski said. “When you think about the
federal agencies that have impact on Alaska and our daily lives, it’s
this alphabet soup that I just rattled off.”
Kara
Moriarty, president and chief executive of the Alaska Oil and Gas
Association, said both of Murkowski’s leadership roles are
significant. Those federal agencies have been the source of
“regulatory delays and overreach,” she said in a written
statement.
Two
years ago, Murkowski and her staff put out an extensive blueprint to
guide the nation’s energy needs, Energy 20/20. The Energy Committee
will have it along with various white papers as soon as they start
work in January, Murkowski said.
“As
chair, she gets to set the agenda,” said Rick Rogers, executive
director of the Anchorage-based Resource Development Council.
“There’s
no question that some of our Alaska issues will be front and center.”
Sen.
James Inhofe, R-Okla., who is likely to take over as chairman of the
Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, could use panel
hearings to grill Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Gina
McCarthy and other Obama administration officials about plans to
limit carbon dioxide emissions and crack down on methane from oil and
gas operations.
Sen.
John Hoeven, R-N.D., said in an interview that Republicans will focus
on loosening the “regulatory burden” that he said is holding back
the energy industry and other sectors -- first through stand-alone
bills and, if those fail, by using provisions in spending bills to
defund those initiatives.
“A
Republican majority will have priorities that never saw the light of
day under Democratic leadership,” said Murkowski spokesman Robert
Dillon.
But
he suggested the earliest legislative options could be holdovers
ensnared by the current Congress’ gridlock.
One
of the candidates is a bill by Sens. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., and Rob
Portman, R-Ohio, that aims to boost energy efficiency in residential
and commercial buildings.
Keystone
XL is high on the list too. Hoeven, who is the lead sponsor of
legislation that would authorize Keystone XL using Congress’
authority under the Constitution’s foreign commerce clause, said
Obama could sign off on the measure as an olive branch to
Republicans.
“After
the first of the year, we’ll bring the bill forward as is, we’ll
have more than 60 to pass it, and we’ll do so, and then we’ll
send it to the president and see if he’s willing to work with us,”
Hoeven said. “Given the clear vote from the American public and
strong bipartisan support, he may decide it’s time to start working
with Congress, and this is a good example of a place to start.”
Hoeven
said it’s possible he could attract 67 votes to override a
presidential veto of Keystone XL by picking up a handful of Democrats
who have either criticized the government’s lengthy scrutiny of the
project or have backed non-binding resolutions endorsing it.
If
not, Hoeven said, another option is embedding the Keystone XL
approval bill in a separate measure to fund part of the federal
government or speed up the government’s permitting of proposed
natural gas exports.
On
Wednesday, Obama signaled he was staying firm on Keystone and will
wait for a State Department review process, which in turn is on hold
pending a Nebraska Supreme Court ruling on a challenge to the
pipeline’s route through that state.
“There’s
an independent process. It’s moving forward, and I’m going to let
that process play out,” Obama said.
Brigham
McCown, a former pipeline regulator, suggested Obama could take a
pragmatic approach to the project if a bill authorizing it lands on
his desk. Signing legislation permitting Keystone XL — or allowing
it to become law without his signature — could shield Obama from
some environmentalists’ criticism while ending a distracting,
long-running debate.
Oil
industry leaders basked in the election results on Wednesday —
claiming they proved that embracing traditional energy development
propelled candidates to victory. “Energy was the clear winner,”
said Gerard of the American Petroleum Institute. “In race after
race, voters from all regions of our nation and both political
parties voted for pro-development, true all-of-the-above energy
policies.”
Environmentalists
were struggling to regroup — and bracing for big fights renewable
energy tax policies, coal exports and land protections.
“The
oil and gas industry and other special interests spent big on
yesterday’s election, and now expect those investments to pay off
in the new Congress,” said Matt Lee-Ashley, senior fellow with the
Center for American Progress.
Murkowski
said she has a collaborative style and intends to work with Democrats
– but just how closely depends on who ends up as the ranking
minority member.
She’s
comfortable with the Democrat now in the post, Sen. Mary Landrieu of
oil-producing Louisiana. Landrieu, however, must win a December
runoff to return to D.C. If she fails, Washington’s Maria Cantwell
is next in line.
“Sen.
Cantwell has a different perspective. She has been one of the leaders
in the Senate working to block any development of ANWR,” Murkowski
said. “It’s going to be important to know who I am serving with.”
Meet
the Senate's New Climate Denial Caucus
5
November, 2014
Well,
folks, it wasn't such a great
night on the climate action front.
It looks like the millions of dollars that environmental
philanthropist Tom Steyer invested in the midterms didn't
buy much other
than a fledgling political infrastructure to sock away for 2016. With
Republicans now in control of the Senate, we're likely to see a bill
to push through the Keystone XL pipeline coming down the pike soon.
And Mitch McConnell, probably the coal industry's biggest booster,
retained his seat.
In
fact, McConnell and his climate-denying colleague James Inhofe of
Oklahoma—the likely
chair of
the Senate's Environment and Public Works committee—won a lot of
new friends on Capitol Hill last night. It probably won't surprise
you to learn that most of the Senate's newly elected Republicans are
big boosters of fossil fuels and don't agree with the mainstream
scientific consensus on global warming. Here's an overview of their
statements on climate change, ranging from a few who seem to at least
partly accept to science to those who flat-out reject it.
Dan
Sullivan (R-Alaska): In
September, Sullivan, a former Alaska attorney general, said "the
jury's out"
on whether climate change is man-mad.
(Actually,the
jury came in,
for the umpteenth time, just this week.) He repeated
that positionlast
month, when he said the role human-caused greenhouse gases play in
global warming is "a question scientists are still debating,"
adding that "we shouldn't lock up America's resources and kill
tens of thousands of good jobs by continuing to pursue the
President's anti-energy policies."
Tom
Cotton (R-Ark.): Cotton
has seized on a common
but misleading notionamong
climate change deniers: "The
simple fact is that for the last 16 years the earth's temperature has
not warmed."
He admits, however, that "it's most likely that human activity
has contributed to some of" the temperature increase of the last
hundred years. Still, he supports building new coal plants and the
Keystone XL pipeline.
Cory
Gardner (R-Colo.): Gardner
is shifty on the issue. In a debate last month, hewouldn't
give a straight yes-or-no answer on
whether mankind has contributed to global warming. "I
believe that the climate is changing, I disagree to the extent that
it's been in the news," that humans are responsible, he said.
Yet at the same time,he
admitted that "pollution contributes" to
climate change. Gardner doesn't seem interested in cleaning up that
pollution: Last
year he said the
Obama administration is waging "a war on the kind of energy we
use every day—fossil fuels… because they want to tell us how we
live our live."
David
Perdue (R-Ga.): "In
science, there's an active debate going on" about whether
climate change is real, Perdue
told Slate this
year,
adding that if there areclimate-related
impacts to Georgia's coast, some smart person will figure out how to
deal with them. Perdue has also
slammed the Obama administration for
waging a "war on coal" and has called the EPA's new carbon
emission rules "shortsighted."
Joni
Ernst (R-Iowa): Ernst
is another rider on the "I don't know" bandwagon. "I
don't know the science behind climate change," she told
an audience in
September. She also hedged the question beautifully in a May
interview with The
Hill:
"I haven't seen proven proof that it is entirely man-made."
But she supports recycling!
Bill
Cassidy/Mary Landrieu (La.): This
race is
going to a runoff.
Landrieu, the incumbent Democrat, has never been much of a climate
hawk—she recently
saidhumans
do contribute to observed climate change but criticized Obama for
"singling
out"
the oil industry for regulation. But at least she's better on global
warming than Cassidy, her Republican challenger, who flatly denies
that climate change exists. Hesaid
last month that "global
temperatures have not risen in 15 years."
Steve
Daines (R-Mont.): Daines
is a harsh critic of Obama's energy and climate policies, which he
said "threaten
nearly 5,000 Montana jobs and would cause Montana's electricity
prices to skyrocket." While in the House, he signed
a pledge that he
will "oppose any legislation relating to climate change that
includes a net increase in government revenue." He believes
global warming, to the extent that it exists, is probably
caused by solar cycles.
Thom
Tillis (R-N.C.): During
a North Carolina Republican primary debate, all four
candidates laughed
out loud when
asked if they believed climate change is a "fact." Ha! Ha!
Then they all said, "No." Later, Tillis expanded
on that position,
arguing in a debate with his Democratic rival, Sen. Kay Hagan, that
"the point is the liberal agenda, the Obama agenda, the Kay
Hagan agenda, is trying to use [climate change] as a Trojan horse for
their energy policy."
Ben
Sasse (R-Neb.): Sasse
hasn't said much about climate science, but hesupports
building the
Keystone XL pipeline and opening up more federal land for oil and gas
drilling. He also wants to "encourage the production of coal."
James
Lankford (R-Okla.): As
a member of the House, Lankford called
global warming a "myth."
He also, along
with Gardner, Cotton, Shelley Moore Capito (R. W.Va.), Cassidy, and
Daines,
voted to prevent the Pentagon from considering the national security
impacts of global warming, even though top Defense Department
officials have repeatedly
issued warnings that
climate change could worsen conflicts around the world. Lankford also
floated an amendment to an energy appropriations bill that would
have blocked funding for research related
to the social costs of carbon pollution.
Mike
Rounds (R-S.C.): Rounds
appears to accept at least some of the science on climate change. As
governor of South Dakota, Rounds said
that "there
are a number of different causes that we recognize, and the
scientists recognize, are the cause of global warming," and that
humans are "absolutely" one of those. He fervently
supports the
Keystone pipeline.
Shelley
Moore Capito (R-W.Va.): In
a debate last month, Capito said, "I
don't necessarily think the climate's changing, no."
Then she clarified that her opinion might change with the weather:
"Yes it's changing, it changes all the time, we heard it raining
out there," she said. "I'm sure humans are contributing to
it." I have no idea what that is supposed to mean. Capito is
also a founding
member of
the Congressional Coal Caucus.
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