Who
is held to account for deaths by drone in Yemen?
There
is a history of Yemeni officials lying to protect the US, and the
Pentagon and CIA greeting queries with obfuscation.
Chris
Woods
6
September, 2012
When
news flashed of an air strike on a vehicle in the Yemeni city of
Radaa on Sunday afternoon, early claims that al-Qaida militants had
died soon gave way to a more grisly reality.
At
least 10 civilians had been killed, among them women and children. It
was the worst loss of civilian life in Yemen's brutal internal war
since May 2012. Somebody had messed up badly. But was the United
States or Yemen responsible?
Local
officials and eyewitnesses were clear enough. The Radaa attack was
the work of a US drone – a common enough event. Since May 2011, the
Bureau of Investigative Journalism has recorded up to 116 US drone
strikes in Yemen, part of a broader covert war aimed at crushing
Islamist militants. But of those attacks, only 39 have been confirmed
by officials as the work of the US.
The
attribution of dozens of further possible drone attacks – and
others reportedly involving US ships and conventional aircraft –
remains unclear. Both the CIA and Pentagon are fighting dirty wars in
Yemen, each with a separate arsenal and kill list. Little wonder that
hundreds of deaths remain in a limbo of accountability.
With
anger rising at the death of civilians in Radaa, Yemen's government
stepped forward to take the blame. It claimed that its own air force
had carried out the strike on moving vehicles after receiving "faulty
intelligence". Yet the Yemeni air force is barely fit for
purpose.
And
why believe the Yemeni defence ministry anyway? Just 48 hours earlier
it had made similar claims. But when it emerged that alleged al-Qaida
bomber Khaled Musalem Batis had died in a strike, anonymous officials
soon admitted that a US drone had carried out that killing.
There
is a long history of senior Yemeni officials lying to protect Barack
Obama's secret war on terror. When US cruise missiles decimated a
tented village in December 2009, at least 41 civilians were butchered
alongside a dozen alleged militants, as a parliamentary report later
concluded.
As
we now know, thanks to WikiLeaks, the US and Yemen sought to cover up
the US role in that attack. We'll continue saying the bombs are ours,
not yours," President Saleh informed US Central Command
(Centcom)'s General Petraeus.
Pakistan's
own former strongman, General Pervez Musharraf, had performed a
similar deed for the CIA, with the army claiming early US drones
strikes as its own work. A senior Musharraf aide told the Sunday
Times, "We thought it would be less damaging if we said we did
it rather than the US." Only when civilian deaths became too
unbearable in 2006 did Islamabad end that charade.
Still,
dictators may have been better able to rein in US covert attacks than
their democratic successors. When US special forces accidentally
killed Jaber al-Shabwani, the deputy governor of Yemen's Marib
province in May 2010, Saleh was able to secure a year-long pause in
the US bombing campaign.
With
new president Abd-Rabbuh Mansour Hadi owing his position to the US he
is unlikely to enjoy similar leverage, if Pakistan's present
impotence against CIA strikes is any guide.
The
odds of finding out who was really responsible for Sunday's deaths
are not good. At the height of this year's US-backed offensive
against al-Qaida in May, at least a dozen civilians died in a double
air strike in Jaar. As onlookers and rescuers came forward after an
initial attack, they were killed in a follow-up strike.
The
event was reminiscent of CIA tactics in Pakistan, and there is
circumstantial evidence that US drones carried out the attack. Times
reporter Iona Craig recalls the testimony of one survivor she met in
Jaar:
"He
didn't know who carried out the strike but said they didn't hear any
planes or fighter jets before either strike and they dived to the
ground when they saw a 'missile' with a jet stream of 'white smoke
behind it', flying through the sky towards them before the second
strike happened'."
Four
months on, neither Yemen nor the US has taken responsibility for that
attack. According to Haykal Bafana, a lawyer based in Sanaa, "the
greatest worry for people here is not only a lack of accountability
but a lack of transparency. Civilians at risk in the areas being
targeted are being given no information at all about how best to
protect themselves."
There
is also the issue of compensation. Yemen's government has now ordered
an inquiry into the Radaa bombing. Yet following the 2009 killing of
41 civilians relatives were compensated with just a few hundred
dollars, after details of Centcom's role were deliberately hidden
from that inquiry. In contrast, US forces in Afghanistan not only
admitted responsibility in a recent incident, but paid out $46,000
(£29,000) for each person killed and $10,000 for those injured.
There
is a growing gulf between what Yemen's people are experiencing and
what their government claims. Bafana says Yemen's official news
agency Saba has only used the word "drone" once since
February 2011. A confirmed US strike on August 29 killed not only
three alleged militants but a policeman and a local anti-al-Qaida
imam, according to local reports. Those civilian deaths remain absent
from Saba's coverage.
The
US in turn greets queries with obfuscation. The CIA declined to
comment when asked whether it had carried out the lethal attack on
Radaa, or had ever paid out compensation for collateral damage. And a
senior Pentagon spokesman, declining to comment "on reports of
specific counterterrorism operations in Yemen", referred any
queries back to Yemen's government.
In
the aftermath of Sunday's disastrous air strike, relatives of the
dead threatened to lay the corpses of the victims in front of the
country's new president. And local activist Nasr Abdullah told CNN:
"I would not be surprised if 100 tribesmen joined the lines of
al-Qaida as a result of the latest drone mistake. This part of Yemen
takes revenge very seriously." Civilian deaths risk undoing all
that the United States is trying to achieve in Yemen – and an
absence of true accountability is making matters worse.
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