One thing is certain. Western mainstream media will NEVER allow Vladimir Putin to be heard in his own words, without pin or distortion.
Putin:'US wants to subdue Russia, but no one did or ever will'
Putin:'US wants to subdue Russia, but no one did or ever will'
The US has no plans to humiliate Russia, but instead wants to subdue it, Russian President Vladimir Putin has said, adding that no one had ever succeeded in doing so – and never will.
18 November, 2014
Speaking
at a forum of the All-Russia Peoples' Front in Moscow on Tuesday, the
Russian leader said that history was not about to change, and that no
one would manage to suppress the country.
"Throughout
history no one has ever managed to do so toward Russia – and no one
ever will," Putin
said.
Responding
to a question about whether America was trying to humiliate Russia,
Putin disagreed, saying that the US wanted "to
solve their problems at our expense."
He
said that people in Russia really like the Americans, but it's the US
politics that are not accepted so well. "I
think America and its people are more liked than disliked by people
here [in Russia]. It's the politics of the ruling class [in the US]
that is likely negatively viewed by the majority of our citizens,"
he said.
The
Russian leader said the US had managed to subordinate its allies to
its influence – with such countries "trying
to protect foreign national interests on obscure conditions and
perspectives."
Heads of states and international
organizations pose for the "family photo" during the G20
Summit in Brisbane on November 15, 2014. (AFP Photo/Saeed Khan)
The
Russian president has last met with his American counterpart last
week, while attending the G20 summit in Australia. Despite the focus
on the world economy, the crisis in Ukraine was one of the hottest
topics at the G20. Talking about the summit's results at a press
conference, US President Barack Obama did not announce any
significant changes in his country's approach to Russia.
"We
would prefer a Russia that is fully integrated with the global
economy," the
US president told a news conference, adding that his country was
"also
very firm on the need to uphold core international principles."
Before
leaving Brisbane, Putin said that a solution to the crisis in Eastern
Ukraine was possible. "Today the situation [in Ukraine] in my
view has good chances for resolution, no matter how strange it may
sound," he said, as quoted by Reuters.
The
Russian leader also said he was satisfied with both the results and
atmosphere of the meetings.
"Our
Australian partners created an exceptionally friendly working
atmosphere, very heartfelt, I should say, that was conducive to
finding solutions to the challenges faced by the global economy,”
Putin said at a forum of the All-Russian People’s Front, adding
that it was a pleasant surprise for him to see the warm reception of
the Russian delegation from Australian citizens on the streets of
Brisbane.
Answering
a question about Abbott’s idea to “shirtfront” Putin over the
downing of the MH17 jetliner, the Russian president said no such
confrontation took place at the Brisbane summit.
"We
had very constructive discussions of not only the themes that had
brought us together, but some very grave issues involving the
Malaysian Boeing. We discussed that in every detail. I can assure you
that everything was decent and rather friendly," said the
Russian leader.
Though
many media outlets speculated that Putin had left the summit early,
skipping a Sunday working breakfast because of an icy welcome at the
G20, the Russian leader reiterated on Tuesday that practically all
work had been finished by that time. “I addressed all sessions,”
Putin said, adding: “Our stance was heard.”
Vladimir Putin Interview: US-NATO’s Global Military Design, Russia’s Sovereignty is Threatened
Vladimir
Putin answered questions from Hubert Seipel of the German TV channel
ARD. The interview was recorded on November 13 in Vladivostok.
HUBERT SEIPEL (retranslated
from Russian): Good
afternoon, Mr
President.
You
are the only Russian President who has ever given a speech at the
Bundestag. This happened in 2001. Your speech was a success. You
spoke about relations between Russia and Germany, building Europe in
cooperation with Russia, but you also gave a warning. You said that
the Cold War ideas had to be eradicated. You also noted that we share
the same values, yet we do not trust each other. Why were you being a
little pessimistic back then?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: First
of all, I gave no warnings or admonitions and I was not being
pessimistic. I was just trying to analyse the preceding period in the
development of the situation in the world and in Europe after the
collapse of the Soviet Union. I also took the liberty of predicting
the situation based on different development scenarios.
Naturally,
it reflected the situation as we see it, through the prism, as
diplomats would put it, from Russia’s point of view, but still, I
think it was a rather objective analysis.
I
reiterate: there was no pessimism whatsoever. None. On the contrary,
I was trying to make my speech sound optimistic. I assumed that
having acknowledged all the problems of the past, we must move
towards a much more comfortable and mutually advantageous
relationship-building process in the future.
HUBERT SEIPEL: Last
week marked the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin wall,
which would not have been possible without the Soviet Union’s
consent. That was back then. In the meantime, NATO is conducting
exercises in the Black Sea, near the Russian borders, while Russian
bombers conduct exercises in Europe’s international
airspace. The Defence
Minister said, if I’m not mistaken, that they fly as far as the
Gulf of Mexico. All of this points to a new Cold War.
And,
of course, partners exchange harsh statements. Some time ago,
President Obama named Russia as a threat on a par with Ebola and the
extremists, the
Islamic extremists. You once called America a nouveau riche, who
thinks of himself as a winner of the Cold war, and now America is
trying to shape the world according to its own ideas about life. All
of this is very reminiscent of a Cold War.
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: See,
you mentioned 2001 and I said that my perspective was rather
optimistic.
We
have witnessed two waves of NATO expansion since 2001. If I remember
correctly, seven countries – Slovenia, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Romania
and three Baltic States, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – joined
NATO in 2004. Two more countries joined in 2009. Those were
significant geopolitical game changers.
Furthermore,
the number of military bases is growing. Does Russia have military
bases around the world? NATO and the United States have military
bases scattered all over the globe, including in areas close to our
borders, and their number is growing.
Moreover,
just recently it was decided to deploy Special Operations Forces,
again in close proximity to our borders.
You
have mentioned various exercises, flights, ship movements, and so on.
Is all of this going on? Yes, it is indeed.
However,
first of all, you said – or perhaps it was an inaccurate
translation – that they have been conducted in the international
European airspace. Well, it is either international (neutral) or
European airspace. So, please note that our exercises have been
conducted exclusively in international waters and international
airspace.
In
1992, we suspended the flights of our strategic aircraft and they
remained at their air bases for many years. During this time, our US
partners continued the flights of their nuclear aircraft to the same
areas as before, including areas close to our borders. Therefore,
several years ago, seeing no positive developments, no one is ready
to meet us halfway, we resumed the flights of our strategic aviation
to remote areas. That’s all.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: So,
you believe that your security interests have not been accommodated.
Let
me return to the current crisis and to its trigger. The current
crisis was triggered by the agreement between the European Union and
Ukraine. The title of this agreement is relatively harmless. It is
called the Association Agreement between the European Union and
Ukraine. The key point of this agreement is to open the Ukrainian
market to the EU and vice versa. Why is it a threat for Russia? Why
did you oppose this agreement?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: In
reality the economy follows almost the same path as security. We
preach the opposite of what we practice. We say that a single space
should be built and build new dividing lines instead.
Let
us look at what the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement stipulates.
I have said this many times, but it appears I have to repeat it
once again: it eliminates the import duties for the European goods
entering Ukrainian territory, brings them down to zero. Yet as
Ukraine is a member of a free trade zone within CIS, zero customs
tariffs have been introduced between Russia and Ukraine. What does
that mean? It means that all European goods will flow through
Ukrainian territory directly to the customs territory of the Russian
Federation.
There
are many other things that may not be clear for people who are not
informed regarding these matters, but they do exist. For example,
there are technical regulations that are different in Russia and in
the EU, we have different standards. Those are standards of technical
control, phytosanitary standards and the principle of determining the
origin of goods. By way of an example I would cite the component
assembly of cars in Ukrainian territory. According to the Association
Agreement, the goods manufactured in the territory of Ukraine are
intended for our market within the framework of the Russian-Ukrainian
free trade zone. Your companies that invested billions of euros in
factories in Russia (Volkswagen, BMW, Peugeot, Citroen, the US Ford,
and others) entered our market on completely different terms, on
condition of deep localisation of production. How could we accept
that? So we said from the outset, “We agree, but let us proceed
step by step and take into consideration the real problems that can
emerge between Russia and Ukraine.” What were we told in response?
“It is none of your business, so get your nose out of these
affairs.”
HUBERT
SEIPEL: I
would like to turn to the past. When the EU Ukraine Association
Agreement was discussed, the negotiations took quite a while. This
caused rallies on Maidan in Kiev. I refer to the protests during
which people demanded a better life within the European Union. But
they were also protesting against the Ukrainian system. In the end
all that resulted in a wave of violence.
After
the then president failed to sign the Agreement, it provoked an
outbreak of violence, and people were killed on Maidan. Then the
German Minister of Foreign Affairs arrived and tried to find a
compromise between the protesters and the government, and managed to
do that. An agreement was made providing for a government of national
unity. It remained in force for about 24 hours and then it
disappeared.
You
followed closely the developments of September 21 and you
remember how you talked with Mr Obama and Ms Merkel.
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: Yes.
Indeed, on February 21, not only the German Minister of Foreign
Affairs but also his counterparts from Poland and France arrived in
Kiev to act as guarantors of the agreement achieved between the then
President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych and the opposition. The
agreement stipulated that the only path the process would take was
the peaceful one. As guarantors, they signed that agreement between
the official authorities and the opposition. And the former assumed
that it would be observed. It is true that I spoke by telephone
with the President of the United States that same day, and this was
the context for our conversation. However, the following day, despite
all the guarantees provided by our partners from the West, a coup
happened and both the Presidential Administration and the Government
headquarters were occupied.
I
would like to say the following in this regard: either the Foreign
Ministers of Germany, Poland and France should not have signed the
agreement between the authorities and the opposition as its
guarantors, or, since they did sign it after all, they should have
insisted on its implementation instead of dissociating themselves
from this agreement. What is more, they prefer now not to mention it
at all, as though the agreement never existed. In my view, this is
absolutely wrong and counterproductive.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: You
acted promptly. You, so to say, annexed Crimea and justified it at
the time based on the fact that 60 percent of Crimea’s
population were Russians, that Crimea has a long history of being
part of Russia and, lastly, that its fleet is stationed there. The
West saw that as a violation of international law.
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: What
is your question exactly?
HUBERT
SEIPEL: Did
you underestimate the reaction of the West and the possible
sanctions, which were later imposed on Russia?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: We
believe that this sort of reaction was totally disproportionate to
what had happened.
Whenever
I hear complaints about Russia violating international law I am
simply amazed. What is international law? It is first of all the
United Nations Charter, international practice and its interpretation
by relevant international institutions.
Moreover,
we have a clear recent precedent – Kosovo.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: You
mean the International Court of Justice ruling on Kosovo? The one in
which it stated that Kosovo had the right to self determination
and that the Kosovars could hold a vote to determine the future of
their state?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: (In
German.) Exactly. (Continues
in Russian.) But
not only that. Its main point was that when making a decision
concerning their self-determination, the people living in a certain
territory need not ask the opinion of the central authorities of the
state where they presently live. They do not need the approval by the
central authorities, by the government, to take the necessary
measures for self-determination. That is the central point.
And
what was done in Crimea was not in any way different from what had
been done in Kosovo.
I
am deeply convinced that Russia did not commit any violations of
international law. Yes, I make no secret of it, it is a fact and we
never concealed that our Armed Forces, let us be clear, blocked
Ukrainian armed forces stationed in Crimea, not to force anybody to
vote, which is impossible, but to avoid bloodshed, to give the people
an opportunity to express their own opinion about how they want to
shape their future and the future of their children.
Kosovo,
which you mentioned, declared its independence by parliamentary
decision alone. In Crimea, people did not just make a parliamentary
decision, they held a referendum, and its results were simply
stunning.
What
is democracy? Both you and me know the answer well. What is demos?
Demos is people, and democracy is people’s right. In this
particular case, it is the right to self-determination.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: It
shows immediately that you are a lawyer.
But
you know the arguments of the West as well. The West says that the
elections were held under the control of Russian military. This is
the reasoning of the West.
Let
me touch upon the next issue. Today, Ukraine is more or less divided.
Four thousand people have died, hundreds of thousands have
become refugees and fled, among other places, to Russia. In the east
of the country, Russian-speaking separatists are demanding broad
autonomy, some want to join Russia. In accordance with the Minsk
agreement, ceasefire was declared, but people are dying every day.
The country is bankrupt. Basically everybody lost in the conflict.
Ukraine seems to have lost the most, but Europe and Russia did as
well. How do you see Ukraine’s future?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: Ukraine
is a complex country, and not only due to its ethnic composition, but
also from the point of view of its formation as it stands today.
Is
there a future and what will it be like? I think there certainly is.
It is a large country, a large nation with the population of
43–44 million people. It is a large European country with a
European culture..
You
know, there is only one thing that is missing. I believe, what is
missing is the understanding that in order to be successful, stable
and prosperous, the people who live on this territory, regardless of
the language they speak (Hungarian, Russian, Ukrainian or Polish),
must feel that this territory is their homeland. To achieve that they
must feel that they can realise their potential here as well as in
any other territories and possibly even better to some extent. That
is why I do not understand the unwillingness of some political forces
in Ukraine to even hear about the possibility of federalisation.
We’ve
been hearing lately that the question at issue should be not
federalisation but decentralisation. It is all really a play on
words. It is important to understand what these notions mean:
decentralisation, federalisation, regionalisation. You can coin a
dozen other terms. The people living in these territories must
realise that they have rights to something, that they can decide
something for themselves in their lives.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: The
central question in the West as follows: will Ukraine remain an
independent state? It is the central question now on the agenda. The
second question is whether Russia can do more? Maybe Russia has more
opportunities to expedite this process in Ukraine, in particular with
regard to the Minsk agreements?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: You
know, when someone tells us that we have some special opportunities
to solve this or that crisis it always troubles and alarms me. We
have heard many times that Russia has a key to the solution of the
Syrian problem, that we have some special opportunities to solve some
other problem or the Ukrainian crisis. I always begin to suspect that
there is an intention to pass on the responsibility to us and to make
us pay for something. We do not want that. Ukraine is an independent,
free and sovereign state. Frankly speaking, we are very concerned
about any possible ethnic cleansings and Ukraine ending up as a
neo-Nazi state. What are we supposed to think if people are bearing
swastikas on their sleeves? Or what about the SS emblems that we see
on the helmets of some military units now fighting in eastern
Ukraine? If it is a civilised state, where are the authorities
looking? At least they could get rid of this uniform, they could make
the nationalists remove these emblems. That is why we have fears that
it may all end up this way. If it happens it would be a catastrophe
for Ukraine and Ukrainian people.
The
Minsk agreements arose only because Russia became actively involved
in this effort; we worked with the Donbass militias, that is the
fighters from southeast Ukraine, and we convinced them that they
should settle for certain agreements. If we had not done that, it
would simply not have happened. There are some problems with the
implementation of these agreements, it is true.
What
are those problems? Indeed, self-defence fighters, for example, were
supposed to leave some of the towns they had surrounded, are yet they
haven’t left. Do you know why not? I will tell you plainly,
this is no secret: because the people fighting against the Ukrainian
army say, “These are our villages, we come from there. Our families
and our loved ones live there. If we leave, nationalist battalions
will come and kill everyone. We will not leave, you can kill us
yourselves.” You know, it is a difficult problem. Of course, we try
to convince them, we talk, but when they say things like that, you
know, there is not much that can be said in response.
And
the Ukrainian army also has not left some of the towns it was
supposed to leave. The militias – they are the people who are
fighting for their rights, for their interests. But if the central
Ukrainian authorities choose not just to determine the demarcation
line, which is very important today in order to stop the shelling and
killing, but if they want to preserve the territorial integrity of
their country, each particular village or town are not significant;
what is important is to immediately stop the bloodshed and shelling
and to create conditions for starting a political dialogue. That is
what is important. If it this is not done, there will be no political
dialogue.
I
apologise for such a long monologue, but you make me go back to the
essence of the problem.
What
is the essence? The coup took place in Kiev. A considerable part of
the country supported it, and they were happy partly because they
believed that after the signing of, say, the Association Agreement
there will be open borders, job opportunities, the right to work in
the European Union, including in Germany.
They thought that it will be like that. In fact, they have nothing of the sort. The other part of the country, the southeast, did not support it and said, “We do not recognise you.” And instead of starting a dialogue, instead of explaining to people that the central authorities in Kiev are not going to do anything bad, and on the contrary, they will propose various forms of coexistence and development of a common state, they are ready to grant them their rights, instead of that they begin making arrests at night. Once the night arrests began, people in the southeast took up arms. Once they took up arms, instead of stopping (the authorities should have the wisdom to do that) and starting this dialogue they sent the army, the air force, tanks and multiple rocket launchers. Is this a way to solve problems? And ultimately everything came to a deadlock. Is it possible to get out of it? I am sure that it is possible.
They thought that it will be like that. In fact, they have nothing of the sort. The other part of the country, the southeast, did not support it and said, “We do not recognise you.” And instead of starting a dialogue, instead of explaining to people that the central authorities in Kiev are not going to do anything bad, and on the contrary, they will propose various forms of coexistence and development of a common state, they are ready to grant them their rights, instead of that they begin making arrests at night. Once the night arrests began, people in the southeast took up arms. Once they took up arms, instead of stopping (the authorities should have the wisdom to do that) and starting this dialogue they sent the army, the air force, tanks and multiple rocket launchers. Is this a way to solve problems? And ultimately everything came to a deadlock. Is it possible to get out of it? I am sure that it is possible.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: The
question or, more properly, the claim made by Kiev today is that
Russia supplies weapons to the separatists and sends its servicemen
there.
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: Where
did they get the armoured vehicles and the artillery systems?
Nowadays people who wage a fight and consider it righteous will
always get weapons. This is the first point.
But
I would like to stress that this is not the issue. The issue
itself is entirely different. The issue is that we can’t have a
one-sided view of the problem.
Today
there is fighting in eastern Ukraine. The Ukrainian central
authorities have sent the armed forces there and they even use
ballistic missiles. Does anybody speak about it? Not a single word.
And what does it mean? What does it tell us? This points to the fact,
that you want the Ukrainian central authorities to annihilate
everyone there, all of their political foes and opponents. Is that
what you want? We certainly don’t. And we won’t let it happen.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: After
the Crimea joined Russia, the West expelled Russia from the Group of
Eight, this exclusive club of industrial states. At the same time the
USA and Great Britain imposed sanctions against Russia. Now you are
heading to a G20 summit of the most important industrial states on
the planet. The focus there will be on economic growth and
employment. They say, there is no more growth and unemployment is set
to increase; the sanctions are starting to have an effect; both the
ruble and the oil price have set anti records. The forecast of
attaining 2 percent growth in Russia is unfeasible. Other countries
are in the same situation. This crisis has a counter productive
character, including for the upcoming summit, wouldn’t you say?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: You
mean the Ukrainian crisis?
HUBERT
SEIPEL: Yes.
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: Of
course, who could benefit from it? You wanted to know how the
situation is evolving and what our expectations are. Of course we
expect the situation to change for the better. Of course we expect
the Ukrainian crisis to end. Of course we want to have normal
relations with our partners, including in the United States and
Europe. Of course, the situation with the so-called sanctions is
damaging for the global economy (it is damaging for us and it is
damaging for global economy as well) and it is damaging for the
Russian EU relations most of all.
However,
there are some advantages as well: the restrictions imposed on some
Russian companies on purchasing certain goods from Western
countries, from Europe and the United States, have induced us to
produce these goods ourselves. The comfortable life, when all we had
to do was produce more oil and gas, and to buy everything else, is a
thing of the past.
With
regard to growth, we should note that this year growth was modest but
it was present nevertheless at about 0.5–0.6 percent. Next year we
are planning to achieve 1.2 percent growth, the year after that
2.3 percent and 3 percent in three years. Generally, these
are not the figures we would like to have but nevertheless it is
growth and we are confident that we will achieve these figures.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: Another
theme to be discussed in Brisbane will be financial stability. The
situation in Russia may also be complicated because Russian banks can
no longer obtain refinancing on world markets. Moreover, there are
plans to close for Russia the international payments system.
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: Russian
banks have currently extended a $25 billion loan to the
Ukrainian economy. If our European and American partners want to help
Ukraine, how can they undermine the financial base limiting our
financial institutions’ access to world capital markets? Do they
want to bankrupt our banks? In that case they will bankrupt Ukraine.
Have they thought about what they are doing at all or not? Or has
politics blinded them? As we know eyes constitute a peripheral part
of brain. Was something switched off in their brainsч?
The
bank that I mentioned is Gazprombank, which only this year, this
calendar year, has extended a loan of $1.4 plus $1.8 billion to
the Ukrainian energy sector. How much is that in total? $3.2 billion.
This is the sum it has allocated. In one case, it issued a loan
to Ukrainian Naftogaz, which is a public company; in the other case,
it allocated $1.4 billion to a private company in order to
support Ukraine’s chemical industry. In both cases, today this bank
has the right to demand early repayment because the Ukrainian
partners have violated their loan agreement.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: The
question is if they are paying or not?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN: (In
German.) They
are paying at the moment. (Continues
in Russian.) They
are servicing the loan. Naftogaz is servicing one of the loans.
However, there are some conditions that are being violated.
Therefore, the bank has the formal right to demand early repayment.
But
if we do it, the whole Ukrainian financial system will collapse.
And if we don’t do it, our bank may collapse. What should we do?
Moreover,
when we extended a $3 billion loan a year ago, there was a
condition that if Ukraine’s total debt exceeded 60 percent of GDP,
we, the Russian Ministry of Finance, would be entitled to demand an
early repayment. Again, if we do it, the whole financial system will
collapse. We have already decided that we will not do it. We do not
want to aggravate the situation. We want Ukraine to get on its
feet at last.
HUBERT
SEIPEL: Do
you intend to propose ways to resolve the crisis in Ukraine?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN:
Madam Chancellor is very much aware of all the nuances of this
conflict. As for the energy problem, she has done a great deal for
its solution.
As
for the security issues, I would say that in this area our viewpoints
and approaches do not always coincide. What is clear is that Russia
and the Federal Republic of Germany want the situation in this region
to be settled. We are interested in this and we will work for the
observation of the Minsk agreements.
There is just one thing that I always pay attention to. We are told again and again:
pro-Russian separatists must do this and this, you must influence them in this way, you must act in that way. I have always asked them: “What have you done to influence your clients in Kiev? What have you done? Or do you only support Russophobic sentiments?” This is very dangerous, by the way. A catastrophe will happen if somebody surreptitiously supports Russophobia in Ukraine. It will be a real catastrophe! Or shall we seek a joint solution? If so, let’s bring the positions of the parties closer together. I am going to say something that some people in this country may not like. Let’s try to achieve a single political space in those territories. We are ready to move in this direction, but only together.
There is just one thing that I always pay attention to. We are told again and again:
pro-Russian separatists must do this and this, you must influence them in this way, you must act in that way. I have always asked them: “What have you done to influence your clients in Kiev? What have you done? Or do you only support Russophobic sentiments?” This is very dangerous, by the way. A catastrophe will happen if somebody surreptitiously supports Russophobia in Ukraine. It will be a real catastrophe! Or shall we seek a joint solution? If so, let’s bring the positions of the parties closer together. I am going to say something that some people in this country may not like. Let’s try to achieve a single political space in those territories. We are ready to move in this direction, but only together.
HUBERT
SEIPEL:
It is very difficult to correct the mistakes made by others.
Sometimes it is only possible to correct one’s own mistakes.
I
would like to ask you: have you made mistakes?
VLADIMIR
PUTIN:
People always make mistakes. Every person makes mistakes in business,
in private life. Does it really matter? The question is that we
should give a rapid, timely and effective response to the
consequences of such mistakes. We should analyse them and realise
that they are mistakes. We should understand, correct them and move
on towards the solution of problems rather than an impasse.
It
seemed to me that this is the way we acted in our relations with
Europe as a whole and the Federal Republic of Germany in particular
over the past decade. Look at the friendship that has been
established between Russia and Germany in the past 10–15 years. I
don’t know if we had ever enjoyed such relations before. I don’t
think so. I see it as a very good base, a good foundation for
the development of relations not only between our two states, but
also between Russia and Europe as a whole, for the harmonisation of
relations in the world. It will be a pity if we let it go to
waste.
HUBERT
SEIPEL:
Mr President, thank you for the interview.
Путин обсудил с членами
ОНФ положение России на
мировой арене
На
«Форуме действий», организованном
Общероссийским народным фронтом,
президент России Владимир Путин заявил
о недопустимости использования
демократических ценностей для достижения
геополитических целей. По словам
российского лидера, недопустимо под
предлогом демократии совершать
государственные перевороты. Он также
добавил, что Россия стремится быть
открытой для всего мира. С подробностями
– корреспондент RT Мурад Газдиев
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