Comments
from Vladimir
Suchan
It
is pretty much official. Putin's government has made its decision on
the May 11 referenda in Donetsk and Lugansk and on what "respecting
the will of the people" means in this case.
2. Sergey Lavrov: "We proceed from the assumption that ALL provisions of [the Minsk Protocol] should be meticulously met." (Interview by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov with Russia Beyond the Headlines, Rossiyskaya Gazeta’s supplement to Spain’s El Pais, September 17, http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/0/CF5FD20CFBD51A3644257D560043DD3B)
3. While Lavrov and hence Russia is insisting on complete implementation of the Minsk Protocol, that is, all its provisions, he, however, wonders: "We see the new round of EU sanctions against our country, which came into force on 12 September, as a response by Brussels to the results of the Minsk meeting of the Contact Group on Ukraine [and the Minsk Protocol]– a response that is totally out of synch with reality." (Ibid.)
4. Lavrov: "We regret that our Western partners [cannot make] an in-depth analysis of the internal socio-political processes in [Ukraine]." (Ibid.)
5. Did Lavrov himself make such a socio-political analysis?
6. The ceasefire is observed as well as the truth and Novorossiya's act of self-determination.
7. Lavrov: "We note that the ceasefire has been generally observed, although there are isolated incidents ... The Kiev authorities are assuring us that they have no plans to disrupt the ceasefire." (Ibid.)
8. Why should diplomats be telling the truth?
9. Lavrov on 9/18: "But in general our assessment and the assessments of our colleagues in other countries, including the European Union, is that the ceasefire is holding and the incidents that are still occurring should gradually stop. ... The Defence Minister would do well ... [not to] air speculations about arms from NATO countries flowing into Ukraine, something the members of the Alliance themselves deny." Let's deny it together (Opening remarks and answers to media questions by the Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov at a joint press conference after a meeting with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Addis-Ababa, 17 September 2014, http://goo.gl/HB5P7x)
10. So, besides reasserting Ukraine's sovereignty, that is, the Nazi junta's sovereignty, that is, US and NATO sovereignty over Novorossiya and the millions of Russians there, what exactly does the junta's law on "local self-management of special regions" in Donetsk and Lugansk mean?
11. An interesting thing has been noted. After the law was adopted by the Verkhovna Rada, its text in Article 1 was tacitly changed, yet some people noticed that.
According to the original text Article 1, "special order is being introduced for local self-management in individual regions of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions ... which are [will be] determined by a decision of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine."
That's how the law was adopted by the parliament. The next day, when the law was published, instead of the "decision of the Verkhovna Rada," it read: "as [will be] determined by a decision of the director of the Anti-Terrorist Center with the Security Service of Ukraine ..."
"Согласно этому Закону временно, на три года со дня вступления в силу этого закона, вводится особый порядок местного самоуправления в отдельных районах Донецкой и Луганской областей, к которым принадлежат районы, города, поселки, села в пределах территории, определенной решением руководителя Антитеррористического центра при Службе безопасности Украины (далее – отдельные районы Донецкой и Луганской областей)"
12. Point? In the guise of limited, local self-management, which requires disarming and disbanding of the Army of Novorossiya (a pre-condition for the "amnesty"), financial control over Donbass by Kiev, and new elections, which will replace the current "terrorists" with "real people" (as Poroshenko said it on September 17), the junta legislated a military dictatorship for Donbass.
Interview
by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov with Russia Beyond the
Headlines, Rossiyskaya Gazeta’s supplement to Spain’s El Pais
MID,
17
September, 2014
Question:
What can Russia do to settle the Ukrainian crisis?
Sergey
Lavrov: Our position is absolutely clear: we want peace in Ukraine,
which can only be attained through a wide-ranging national dialogue
involving all of the country’s regions and political forces. It was
this that Russia, the US, the EU and Ukraine agreed to in Geneva on
17 April.
Russia
has been actively assisting the emergence of favourable conditions
for a peaceful solution to the serious problems confronting Ukraine.
During their meeting in Minsk on 26 August, Russian President
Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Pyotr Poroshenko stressed the
need for an early end to the bloodshed and a transition to the
political settlement of the entire set of problems in the country’s
southeast.
On
3 September, Vladimir Putin proposed a seven-point action plan for
stabilising the Ukrainian crisis. Based on the results of the
Trilateral Contact Group’s meeting in Minsk on 5 September,
President Poroshenko’s representatives and the leaders of the
Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and the Lugansk People’s Republic
(LPR) signed a Protocol with regard to further joint steps aimed at,
among other things, implementing the Russian President’s
initiative.
This
understanding is an important step in the process of crisis peaceful
crisis settlement in Ukraine and designed to serve as a fulcrum point
in starting an internal Ukrainian political dialogue that would seek
the way toward national accord. We proceed from the assumption that
all provisions of this document should be meticulously met.
We
note that the ceasefire has been generally observed, although there
are isolated incidents in which both sides are blaming the other. The
important thing is to prevent them from escalating and leading to
renewed hostilities. We are concerned about reports that the
Ukrainian siloviki have been concentrating heavy weapons in an area.
The Kiev authorities are assuring us that they have no plans to
disrupt the ceasefire. We will follow the developments closely. We
support the DPR’s and the LPR’s proposal on the urgent deployment
of an OSCE observer mission in areas where the conflicting sides are
in contact.
The
order of priority and modality of measures contained in the Minsk
Protocol will be additionally coordinated by the sides. We hope that
the effort to implement the document’s provisions will be supported
by our foreign partners.
Question:
Is it likely that the Ukrainian crisis will be further escalated and
lead to a military conflict in Europe?
Sergey
Lavrov: Ukraine is facing a choice between peace and a constructive
dialogue in society, on the one hand, and authoritarianism and a
national radical dictatorship on the other. It is up to Kiev and
Ukrainian society to decide.
For
our part, we are confident that there is now a real chance to stop
the fratricidal war in Ukraine. For this, it is necessary, in
parallel with keeping the ceasefire, to start, as soon as possible, a
meaningful, open, and inclusive internal Ukrainian dialogue involving
representatives of all regions and all political forces. Within this
framework, it is necessary to discuss a set of issues related to a
constitutional arrangement and generally the future of the country,
where all ethnic groups, minorities and regions can live in comfort
and safety and where the diversity of human rights will be honoured.
To
preclude any further escalation in Ukraine, it is very important for
all outside parties without exception to display reserve. We regret
that this cannot be said for some of our Western partners who,
instead of making an in-depth analysis of the complicated internal
socio-political processes in the country, prefer to groundlessly
shift the blame for the current developments to Russia.
We
note the destructive role of NATO throughout the entire internal
Ukrainian crisis. In particular, the alliance has set a course to
strengthen Ukraine’s military potential which is known to be used
against peaceful civilians. NATO leaders are supporting certain
member states’ intentions to expand the deliveries of specialised
and military equipment to Ukraine, which could be used by the
Ukrainian authorities for reprisals at home. Thus, Kiev has been
prodded to resolve the conflict by force.
It
is clear that the meaning and tonality of statements regarding the
situation in Ukraine, made by participants in NATO’s UK summit,
along with the announcement of plans to hold Ukraine-NATO military
exercises in Ukraine before the end of this year, are not helping the
peace process and are only deepening the rift in Ukrainian society.
Nevertheless,
we are ready to cooperate with our Western partners in order to
settle the crisis in Ukraine. We hope that the US and the EU will use
their influence to impel the Ukrainian authorities to peace.
Question:
There have recently been more frequent claims, especially in the
Western media, that Russian troops may be sent to Ukraine and indeed
that they have already crossed the border into Ukrainian territory.
Do you believe this is possible?
Sergey
Lavrov: We see such claims as part of an information war. This is not
the first time Russia is accused of intervening in the conflict: from
the start of the conflict all the blame has been heaped on us. But no
facts have been presented.
A lack of evidence, suppression of
information and distorting of the truth are characteristic of the
position of the US and some European countries. This applies to the
claims about our troop movements, the investigation into the crash of
the Malaysian airliner, the tragedies on Maidan and in Odessa and
many other situations.
Question:
The Malaysian plane disaster added fresh horror to what is happening
in the region. How does Russia assess the progress of the
investigation into what happened to the plane in eastern Ukraine?
Sergey
Lavrov: The crash of the Malaysian plane was a horrible tragedy. Not
only did it claim many lives, it was exploited to stoke international
tensions, bring pressure on various states and make them introduce
“sectoral” sanctions against Russia.
Since
17 July, we have been calling for an open and impartial international
investigation. Resolution 2166 passed by the UN Security Council on
21 July calls for a comprehensive, thorough and independent
investigation in accordance with the guiding principles and rules of
the International Civil Aviation Organisation.
Considering
how widely the tragedy resonated around the world, we believe that
such an investigation is critical for establishing the true causes of
the air disaster and bringing the culprits to justice. It has
implications for efforts to maintain international peace and
security. We support strict adherence to the UN Security Council
resolution which calls for the Council to monitor the situation.
We
urge all parties to refrain from making groundless accusations which
undermine the basic principles of international engagement and
blatantly interfere with the investigation.
Unfortunately,
there are clear signs that the investigation is being drawn out. The
report submitted by the international commission does not provide
convincing evidence concerning the circumstances of the crash. Key
tests and examinations – gathering and displaying the plane debris,
searching for the elements that hit the plane, and forensic tests –
were never carried out. Without these data, it is impossible to draw
any conclusions about the causes of the crash. Nor have any answers
been given to the questions earlier put by the Russian Defence
Ministry and the Federal Agency for Air Transport. The report makes
no mention of UNSC Resolution 2166 or the mechanism of reports by the
Secretary General on the progress of the investigation that it
creates.
We
do not challenge the right of the state of occurrence” (Ukraine) to
determine how the investigation into the crash that occurred in its
air space would proceed. At the same time, we are convinced that this
arrangement should ensure a genuinely international investigation and
transparency in terms of how the investigation is organised. It is
important that the specialists from different countries who form the
group of international experts work closely as a team without outside
interference and have equal and fair access to all the investigation
materials.
The
truth must be established. This is our firm demand, considering that
some member states are not particularly enthusiastic about conducting
a transparent and accountable investigation.
We
cannot allow the investigation into the circumstances of the crash of
flight MH17 to be soft-pedalled like many other Ukrainian tragedies,
including the shooting of civilians by snipers in Kiev in February,
the massacres in Odessa and Mariupol in May and so on. We will
continue to insist that all guilty parties be brought to justice.
Question:
The conflict has already claimed many victims. Tens of thousands of
people had to flee their homes because of the shelling. How would you
describe the humanitarian situation in Ukraine?
Sergey
Lavrov: We consider the humanitarian situation in south-eastern
Ukraine to be catastrophic. Our assessment is widely shared by many
international organisations: the United Nations Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) the International
Committee of the Red Cross and the Council of Europe.
Kiev
has launched a punitive operation in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions
to defeat the self-defence forces militarily, using heavy artillery,
aviation, multiple rocket launchers and even ballistic missiles and
“phosphorus bombs.” Donetsk and Lugansk have been the targets of
massive air raids. As a result, more than two thousand people have
been killed and more than five thousand wounded, and that includes
many children.
The
civilian population has suffered the most. Vital infrastructure,
including electricity and water supply, government buildings and
houses have been destroyed. Because of the lack of security and
damage, 200 schools in the Lugansk and Donetsk regions failed to open
at the start of the school year. In Lugansk about 250,000 people have
been without water for more than a month.
During
the past five months, more than 830,000 Ukrainian citizens have moved
to the Russian Federation. Since the beginning of the year, 254,000
people have filed applications with Russian services for refugee
status, temporary asylum, and programme for the voluntary
resettlement of compatriots. There are more than 57,000 people at the
temporary accommodation centres deployed in Russia.
The
UN OCHA, in its bulletin on Ukraine of September 5, noted the
continued deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the
country’s southeast, the increase of the number of displaced
persons and civilian casualties. The biggest concern with winter
approaching is providing people in the southeast with warm housing
and absolute necessities.
Question:
Russia has already sent humanitarian aid to south-eastern Ukraine.
Will this continue?
Sergey
Lavrov: Yes, of course. As Putin and Poroshenko agreed during their
meeting in Minsk on 26 August, we intend, together with Ukraine and
the International Committee of the Red Cross, to send a second batch
of humanitarian aid, including food, medical supplies and power
generators. We expect the aid to be delivered with the participation
of the Ukrainian border and customs services and Red Cross
representatives, with distribution of the aid to those who need it to
be carried out under the auspices of the Red Cross.
Question:
There has been a lot of talk about a new Cold War between Russia and
the West following the economic sanctions the USA and EU member
countries imposed on Russia. If these countries continue to ratchet
up the sanctions, how might Russia respond?
Sergey
Lavrov: We have repeatedly stated our position on the use of
sanctions in general. We believe that attempts to influence crises
through unilateral measures, going UN Security Council resolutions,
violates the norms and principles of international law, and threaten
international peace and stability. And besides, such measures cut
both ways and often hurt those who impose them more than the target.
For example, the economic damage to EU countries from these sanctions
will be considerable.
Obviously,
continued sanctions pressure on Russia will not help to settle the
internal Ukrainian crisis but will merely deepen the confrontation
and complicate efforts at dialogue. We see the new round of EU
sanctions against our country, which came into force on 12 September,
as a response by Brussels to the results of the Minsk meeting of the
Contact Group on Ukraine – a response that is totally out of synch
with reality. The European Union – residing, as it does, beyond the
looking glass – is actually sending a signal of direct support to
the war lobby in Kiev, which is not interested in implementing the
Minsk protocol and restoring peace in the country.
Washington
and Brussels must understand that we reserve the right to do whatever
is necessary to defend our legitimate interests, including our
national security in all its dimensions.
At
the same time we hope that pragmatism and common sense will
eventually prevail in the approach of our partners. The USA, the
European Union and other countries should listen to the voice of
reason and break the pointless vicious circle of eye-for-an-eye
punishment, which they initiated themselves.
Question:
Will Russia and European countries be able to restore mutual trust in
the foreseeable future?
Sergey
Lavrov: Obviously, relations between Russia and the European Union
are under severe strain. The destructive line our European partners
have taken on the Ukrainian crisis – applying double standards to
the situation in Ukraine, unjustifiably blaming the Ukrainian tragedy
on us, attempting to exert pressure through sanctions – seriously
undermines confidence in Europe.
However,
I am convinced that our relations have not yet reached the point of
no return. We hope that the safety net that has been created over the
years will prove strong enough and will enable us not only to return
to the status quo that existed before the conflict, but to move
forward. To this end, it is necessary to abandon the faulty logic of
sanctions and threats and begin a constructive and pragmatic search
for solutions to the problems that have piled up. It is important
that common sense and an awareness of the dead-end nature of the
policy pursued with regard to our country prevail over hawkish
sentiments.
We
have consistently argued that there is no reasonable alternative to
continued mutually beneficial and equitable cooperation between
Russia and the EU, because there is too much that binds us
geographically, economically, historically and in human terms. We
believe that in spite of the current difficult situation, everyone
must recognise there is no alternative to forming a common economic
and humanitarian space from the Atlantic to the Pacific based on the
principles of indivisibility of security and broad-based cooperation.
All the more so since all the prerequisites for achieving this
strategic task already exist – the common civilization and cultural
roots, the considerable complementarity of our economies, adherence
to common trade rules in accordance with WTO standards on the basis
of which the European Union is developing and as well as the Eurasian
Economic Union which is now being created, the need to search for
sources of growth and innovation-driven development. If we ignore
this reality we will inevitably be confronted with more and more
crises like the one in Ukraine, which would not serve the long-term
interests of our shared continent in continued stability and
prosperity.
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