Quite
why the Taliban would choose now to negotiate a cease-fire when
they've got the western troops on the run eludes me.
This
seems to be about as realistic as hare-brained plans to split up
Afghanistan.
Sections
of Taliban ready to accept US presence in Afghanistan – report
Moderates
say they can see no prospect of victory so are prepared to negotiate
– but not with the Karzai government
9
September, 2012
Some
senior Taliban figures are ready to negotiate a ceasefire and might
be ready to accept a long-term US military presence in Afghanistan as
part of a comprehensive peace deal, according to a report to be
published on Monday based on interviews with Taliban officials and
negotiators.
The
report, published by the Royal United Services Institute, finds
that the Taliban is determined to make a decisive break with al-Qaida
as part of a settlement and is open to negotiation about education
for girls, but is adamantly opposed to the constitution which it sees
as a prop for President Hamid Karzai's government.
The
Taliban insurgents will not negotiate with the Karzai government
largely because of its record of corruption. They do not trust Kabul
to run fair elections, which suggests that, even if the moderates
interviewed in the study prevailed within Taliban circles, serious
obstacles to a peace deal would remain.
The
institute's report, entitled Taliban Perspectives on Reconciliation,
is the product of interviews with four unnamed figures, two of whom
were ministers in the former Taliban government and are still close
to the inner circle of leadership. One is described as being "closely
associated" with Mullah Mohammad Omar, the Taliban leader. A
third is portrayed as "a senior former mujahideen commander and
lead negotiator for the Taliban", although not part of the
movement itself, and the fourth is said to be "an Afghan
mediator with extensive experience negotiating with the Taliban".
The
report concludes: "The Taliban would be open to negotiating a
ceasefire as part of a general settlement, and also as a bridge
between confidence-building measures and the core issue of the
distribution of political power in Afghanistan.
"A
ceasefire would require strong Islamic justification, obscuring any
hint of surrender," it adds.
Even
more surprising, in view of the official Taliban propaganda
portraying it as leading a struggle against foreign invaders, the
report says the insurgents are "prepared to accept a long-term
US military presence in Afghanistan".
According
to one interviewee, described as a founder member of the Taliban, a
settlement that left US troops operating out of five primary military
bases – Kandahar, Herat, Jalalabad, Mazar-e-Sharif and Kabul –
might be acceptable as long as the US presence "does not impinge
on our independence and religion". In other words, the Taliban
might accept continuing US counter-terrorist operations targeting
their former ally, al-Qaida, as long as the bases were not used as a
launching pad for attacks on other countries or for interference in
Afghan politics.
The
report even suggests that the Taliban would co-operate in tracking
down al-Qaida members, noting that the leadership and base "deeply
regret" their past association with the global jihadist group.
Michael
Semple, one of the report's co-authors and a former EU envoy to
Afghanistan, said that interviewees represented a significant but not
yet dominant strand in Taliban views. "We are not saying that
this is some kind of poll that says three out of four Taliban members
are in favour of a ceasefire," he said. "But there is a
part of the movement who see there is no prospect of a military
victory and so ceasefire would make sense. This is not the official
line, but rather the outer fringe of Taliban thought. It's not
mainstream yet."
Semple,
now at Harvard University, interviewed another Taliban commander in
July, who also admitted there was no prospect of an insurgent
victory, but he said that commander was not part of the institute's
study.
Contacts
between US officials and Taliban representatives have stalled largely
because of failure to conclude a confidence-building deal to exchange
five Taliban prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay for a US soldier
captured by insurgents. Substantive talks, which were due to be held
in Qatar, are expected to remain on hold until after the US
presidential election in November, but senior US officials said they
were holding discussions this week with Pakistan, where the Taliban
leadership is based, about the safe passage of insurgent officials
for future peace talks.
"Reconciliation
remains a key component of our strategy," a senior US official
said. "The safe passage working group was meeting this week
alone as a piece of that, and Ambassador [Marc] Grossman [the US
special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan] will embark on an
upcoming trip at some point to continue to pursue this in a very
robust manner.…"
Another
senior official stressed that the official US designation on Friday
of the Haqqani network, a Taliban faction based in the Pakistani
tribal area of Waziristan, would not rule out future talks with the
group, and would not lead to the financial sanctions against
Pakistan. The official disowned allegations made last year by Admiral
Mike Mullen, the outgoing chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, who
described the Haqqani network as "a veritable arm" of
Pakistani intelligence.
"I
want to just unequivocally state that this in no way is the
consensus, unanimous view of this administration; that we are making
absolutely no effort to begin a process to designate Pakistan as a
state sponsor of terrorism," the US official said.
Semple
said he did not think the designation of the Haqqanis would have any
serious impact on future peace talks.
"The
US have already given them a good few chances to to do politics,"
he said. "They are really at the heart of the nastiest part of
the armed struggle."
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.