Will
NATO annex Ukraine?
He may have softened up a notch recently, arguing that although the US must remain the supreme power across Eurasia, Russia and Turkey must be seduced by the West. Yet his historic Russophobia was never diluted.
As for the ultra-nationalists and frankly neo-fascists – totally anti-EU - the only thing they care about is to get rid of the Russian Bear’s embrace. And then what?
Pepe
Escobar
RT,
24
February, 2014
Anyone
who believes Washington is deeply enamored of ‘democracy’ in
Ukraine must hit eBay, where Saddam Hussein’s WMDs have been found,
and are on sale to the highest bidder.
Or
pay attention to the non-denial denials of the Obama administration,
which swears on a daily basis there’s no ‘proxy war’ or Cold
War redux in Ukraine.
In
a nutshell; Washington’s bipartisan Ukraine policy has always been
anti-Moscow. That implies regime change whenever necessary. As the
European Union (EU), geopolitically, is nothing but an annex to NATO,
what matters is NATO extending its borders to the Ukraine. Or at
least Western Ukraine – which would be a valuable consolation
prize.
This
is a purely military-centric game – the logic of the whole
mechanism ultimately decided in Washington, not in Brussels. It’s
about NATO expansion, not ‘democracy’. When neo-con State
Department functionary Victoria Nuland had her 15 seconds of fame
recently, what she actually meant was “We’re NATO, F**k the EU.”
No wonder there will be an urgent NATO Defense Ministers meeting in
Brussels on Wednesday, centered on Ukraine.
No
one will ever read that in US corporate media – or in academia for
that matter. Harvard Professor Francis Boyle talking to Voice of
Russia, or Princeton’s Stephen Cohen in a recent article for the
Nation, are glaring exceptions.
Every
informed analyst knows the mastermind of this ‘policy’, since the
1970s, is Zbigniew ‘The Grand Chessboard’ Brzezinski. Dr. Zbig
was US President Barack Obama’s mentor at Columbia and is the
Talleyrand of the Obama administration’s foreign policy machine.
He may have softened up a notch recently, arguing that although the US must remain the supreme power across Eurasia, Russia and Turkey must be seduced by the West. Yet his historic Russophobia was never diluted.
Ukrainian opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko addresses anti-government protesters gathered at Independence Square in Kiev February 22, 2014 (Reuters / Yannis Behrakis)Ukrainian opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko addresses anti-government protesters gathered at Independence Square in Kiev February 22, 2014 (Reuters / Yannis Behrakis)
‘Saint’
Yulia is back
As
we’re now on the road (again) of regime change in Ukraine, that
seems not such a lousy deal for only $5 billion - the amount
volunteered by neo-con Nuland herself. Compare it to other lavish
Bush-Obama continuum foreign adventures, from Afghanistan and Iraq to
Syria. Yet expect major bumps ahead.
Most
arguably progressive, as well as some rabidly right wing, Google
generation denizens in Western Ukraine and in Kiev seem to entertain
the notion that the country, under regime change, will be accepted as
an EU member, they will get an EU passport, and will find a good job
in Europe, just as Polish plumbers and Romanian restaurant managers
did.
Well,
not really. If only they could board an EasyJet and see with their
own eyes what’s going on, job market-wise, in southern Europe or in
London for that matter, now terrified of a horde of Eastern Europeans
seizing English jobs.
As for the ultra-nationalists and frankly neo-fascists – totally anti-EU - the only thing they care about is to get rid of the Russian Bear’s embrace. And then what?
In
the West’s ardor for ‘democracy’ it’s so easy to forget that
Western Ukrainian fascists were aligned with Hitler against the USSR.
It’s their descendants that have been in the forefront of the
hardcore violence last week. And Right Sector still insists they will
continue to ‘protest’. In this sense they may not be Washington’s
preferred puppets; they are just momentarily useful patsies.
As
for former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko – now elevated
in the West to the status of a blonde Mother Teresa – she has
called the Maidan (Independence) Square protesters “liberators.”
They may soon liberate themselves from her – after highly corrupt
‘Saint’ Yulia runs for president next May.
The
Ukraine that works - in the east and south – is made up of historic
Russian provinces, think Kharkov, the Black Sea, Crimea. The
country’s GDP is roughly $157 billion. That’s one fifth of Turkey
(which may become the new Pakistan). As it is, Ukraine holds no
economic value whatsoever to the West (even less if it becomes the
new Syria). The only ‘positive’ would be NATO’s warped
strategic advance.
Anyone
who believes a mired-in-crisis EU will buy Ukraine out of is economic
mess could once again bid for Saddam’s WMDs on eBay. Or imagine the
US Congress handing out $15 billion for Ukraine to smooth out its
foreign debt, not to mention reducing the price of imported gas –
just like Moscow did last December.
Say
hello to my Iskander
The
multi-billion dollar question now is what Russian President Vladimir
Putin will do. One must feel tempted to detect roars of laughter in
the Kremlin corridors.
For
starters, Putin will decide whether or not Moscow will buy $2 billion
in Ukrainian eurobonds after there’s a new government in Kiev, as
Gazeta.ru reported. Kiev will get absolutely nothing from Moscow
until it’s clear the new regime will play ball, in the interests of
holding the country together.
‘Saint’
Yulia, by the way, was originally thrown in jail because of a gas
deal that was negotiated on Moscow’s high price terms. Back to hard
facts: Ukraine cannot survive without Russian gas, and the Ukrainian
industry cannot survive without the Russian market. One can mix all
shades of Orange, Tangerine, Campari or Tequila Sunrise revolution,
and throw in the requisite IMF ‘structural adjustment’ correction
– these facts are not going to change. And forget about the EU
‘buying Ukrainian’.
The
Western Orangeade gang – from masters to servants – may still bet
on civil war, Syria-style. Anarchy looms – provoked by the
neo-fascists. It’s up to Ukrainians to reject it. A sound solution
would a referendum. Get the people to choose a confederation, a
partition (there will be blood) or keeping the status quo.
Here’s
a very possible scenario. Eastern and southern Ukraine become part of
Russia again; Moscow would arguably accept it. Western Ukraine is
plundered, disaster capitalism-style, by the Western
corporate-financial mafia – while nobody gets a single EU passport.
As for NATO, they get their bases, ‘annexing’ Ukraine, but also
get myriads of hyper-accurate Russian Iskander missiles locked in
their new abode. So much for Washington’s ‘strategic advance’.
The Story the Western Media Missed
Russia After Sochi
RT,
24 February, 2014
The Sochi Olympics were the great success Russia hoped for. The opening ceremonies proved a radiant display drawing on Russia’s most compelling cultural assets. This artful look back to Russia’s past greatness proved both a reminder and challenge to its own people to reprise their historical greatness going forward.
Meanwhile, its closing ceremonies reprised these themes, reminding the viewer of Russia’s continued vibrancy in the arts.
From an economic vantage point, national hosts for Olympic games always use them as an occasion for enormous infrastructure spending for economic development. One of us (Hudson) was the economist for Montreal brokerage houses back in 1976 when every French Canadian family seemed to become millionaires on the games’ cost overruns. The usual argument by governments is to hire a Keynesian economist who will say, “Spend tens of $billions and the multiplier will generate hundreds of $billions in national income. Taxes at 20% will recover all the expense, so in an economy with under-employment, whatever you spend on the Olympics will be free.” This is the kind of argument that World Bank economists use to justify infrastructure investment by underdeveloped countries, and what any Olympic host city argues to minimize the vast cost overruns that always occur. Construction contracts are about as honest as figure skating judging.
At least this argument is better than trickle-down economics. For Russia, the Sochi Olympics did for that city’s infrastructure what the Olympics did for Los Angeles, Salt Lake City and other sites. But for Russia, it was the first real Keynesian-type investment in infrastructure to start rebuilding the nation physically – in an economy where construction has not been the strong suit that it has in Western economies.
If
there were any time for those hostile to Russia to provoke an
intemperate move, this was it. The games were supposed to show a
positive Russian face to the world, helping heal the old Cold War
tensions. So, from Mr. Putin’s vantage point, the worst thing that
could happen would be a distraction to remind the world of old
Soviet-era repression. So of course, this was precisely what the
Western press played up. To read the New
York Times or Washington
Post,
the real sporting event was whether the police would descend on Pussy
Riot’s sideshow.
Russia did itself no favors by sending Cossacks to deal with what would otherwise have been a nearly invisible Pussy Riot protest performance. If Putin’s aim was to promote a view of Russia as a modern developing country, that of the demonstrators was to identify his government as modern-day Stalinists.
Russia did itself no favors by sending Cossacks to deal with what would otherwise have been a nearly invisible Pussy Riot protest performance. If Putin’s aim was to promote a view of Russia as a modern developing country, that of the demonstrators was to identify his government as modern-day Stalinists.
In
advance of the games American audiences were regaled with ‘Orange
Alert’ tales of impending doom from terrorist attacks on the
demonstrations staged by the regime’s opponents. But the Russian
government dealt deftly to provide security for the games while
seeing the Western anti-public relations ploy and did not overreact.
The games were indeed about athletics, not minority rights,
separatism and anti-authoritarian democracy. There was nothing like
the violence seen in New York City when the city’s police descended
on the peaceful Occupy Wall Street demonstration after 1:30 AM and
started smashing the equipment of the demonstrators (especially their
guitars and musical instruments), trashing their library and driving
them out, with liberal use of pepper spray on the defenseless.
Russia’s
poorly conceived Cossack intervention aside, it refrained from doing
anything on the scale of what Mayor Bloomberg did to Occupy Wall
Street. This contrast was not drawn by the Western media. The last
thing that they would promote was the idea of Russia new role as
peacebroker on the international stage. So there was no mention of
how Russian pressure on Bashar al-Assad in Syria prevented an
escalation of conflict there that could have rippled through the
Middle East, providing fertile terrain for the expansion of
the Al-Qaeda franchise in the U.S.-backed alliance. Putin’s
act in saving the US from a disastrous intervention might have helped
the ‘reset’ on US-Russian cooperation and security relations.
Leading
up to the Sochi Olympics were reports from US media of failed
infrastructure on the ground. Hotel rooms were not quite ready. The
water was yellow (as usually is the case in newly built and plumbed
buildings). The real story, of course, was precisely the vast
infrastructure investment in building. This was a new path for
Russia, where construction had languished ever since 1917 as the
economy pushed industrialization more than residential or commercial
building.
Yet
here was a regional city that had been living under near-Third World
conditions before the Olympic reconstruction began. Sochi even lacked
potable water – a condition still found in many parts of Russia
since the collapse of the USSR. The economic success of Sochi has
been to turn it into a modern city in the making, with infrastructure
that will contribute to its long-term potential to become a tourist
destination.
The
Olympics thus served as a catalyst to bring money and development to
the Caucasus. This is, after all, the best tonic against the Islamic
fundamentalist movements that thrive most in poverty. The Sochi
success thus is a first step in a constructive and peaceful mode of
dealing with terrorism, in contrast to the devastation that has been
wrought in post-revolution Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria.
Sochi
represents the kind of development that should take place across all
of Russia. It is much better than building up sovereign wealth funds
to play in stock markets. Russia’s money and resources – above
all its labor – is best employed at home, and construction has been
lacking for too long. It typically accounts for 10 percent of GDP in
advanced countries. (In hothouse Ireland it rose to 25% of GDP by
2007.) Where better to spend credit and money than on infrastructure
to transform Russia’s economy and living standards?
What
has collapsed in the past two decades is not only much of Russia’s
infrastructure, but its prospective middle class. Nothing would go
further toward rebuilding prosperity than a national program to
transform the country’s infrastructure. Sochi has shown the way
forward. That is the real story that the Western media have
sidestepped.
The
usual corruption charges were leveled against the Sochi Olympics, as
in every such games within memory. That is what happens with big
construction projects everywhere. Yet there was no reminiscing about
similar events over the pasts three or four decades, or for the role
in such infrastructure investment in catalyzing an economic takeoff.
If Russia becomes a leading actor in the struggle for clean
government in the realm of big construction, it will be nearly among
the first nation to do this, and let’s hope it can be.
The
other major criticism of Russia as the games approached led to many
Americans not attend: Russia’s recent discriminatory laws against
the LGBT community. These laws are mostly designed to pacify socially
conservative elements in Russia (as right-wing as American Christian
churches – well, maybe not quite as intolerant,
but you get the picture). But the reality is that these laws are not
being enforced in any serious way. While we hardly support these
measures, the best way to deal with this issue will be real economic
development of the type presented by Sochi. Development leads to
tolerance.
The
most serious human rights challenge in Russia is that from ethnic
vigilante groups. They are the gangs taking real action against their
targets as they once did in the US. In this instance the Russian
government has moved aggressively to thwart this dangerous trend.
What
would Dick Cheney have done if Russian NGOs sponsored separatist
movements in Texas, California or New England? How would US police
have reacted against armed revolutionaries seizing the armory and
throwing Molotov cocktails and bombs at public buildings, killing
police, painting swastikas on Jewish houses and claiming vigilante
justice? If this is Obama’s “reset” with Russia, he is
resetting the Cold War by setting the neocons loose in the former
Soviet economies. If there is one thing that the CIA has shown its
competence in, it is in setting one ethnic group against the others –
Sunni vs Shiite, Kurd against Arab, Persian against them all. When
other countries seek to defend a multi-ethnic secular state, the US
foreign office in all cases has backed the fundamentalists for the
past half-century. Let’s hope Obama moves away from these hardline
elements in his State Department and more toward the type of
cooperation with Russia that prevented a US invasion of Sryia.
Sochi
shows that Russia can pull off world-class projects on the global
stage. The games proved how Russia can transform its economy through
infrastructure investment in a way that can build up a middle class
while countering religious and racist fundamentalist discontent.
The
US has a curious double standard when it comes to Russian leaders.
The Western press applauded Boris Yeltsin for unleashing tanks on
Russia’s elected parliament in 1993, and Wall Street applauded when
he turned over the country’s wealth to oligarchs. Contrast this
with the treatment of Putin. Although not an ideal democrat in the
‘Western’ mold, he has shown himself a potentially valuable
partner for the US in foreign affairs and he hasn’t unleashed tanks
on parliament.
Would
not the world be a much better place with a developed and thriving
Russia, building up a middle class through a construction boom?
Wouldn’t Russia better develop if blocked the escape of its
national wealth to offshore banks located in the West? What terrifies
the West is that Russia may in fact do as the Americans have
historically done in building up protected industry and agriculture
and introducing a rule of law aiming at nationwide development rather
than a client kleptocracy. That is the real nightmare of the US
press, judging from its Olympic coverage: that Russia may succeed and
provide an alternative to the renewal of Cold War-like belligerence
now being encouraged by the American “resets” from Ukraine to
Sochi.
Michael
Hudson’s book summarizing his economic theories, “The
Bubble and Beyond,”
is available on Amazon. His latest book is Finance
Capitalism and Its Discontents.
He is a contributor to Hopeless:
Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion,
published by AK Press. He can be reached via his
website, mh@michael-hudson.com
Jeffrey
Sommers is
an associate professor of political economy at the University of
Wisconsin-Milwaukee, and is visiting faculty at the Stockholm School
of Economics in Riga. He is co-editor of the forthcoming
book The
Contradictions of Austerity.
In addition to CounterPunch he also publishes in The Financial Times,
The Guardian, TruthOut and routinely appears as an expert on global
television programs. He can be reached
at: Jeffrey.sommers@fulbrightmail.org
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