Showing posts with label whistleblowers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label whistleblowers. Show all posts

Tuesday, 16 August 2016

5 years jail for whistleblowers in new powers given the spies

And now the Government are coming for whistleblowers

The National Government will imprison whistleblowers -if your enemy is people telling the truth, then you have deep deep deep problems.

Screen Shot 2016-08-09 at 10.26.40 am

16 August, 2016

It just got far, far worse.
The new spy powers don’t just allow the SIS and GCSB vast new access to your Government files, gives them warrantless spying for 24 hours  which allows them to break into our homes, plant cameras and spy on us and all they need is the pretence of ‘national security’ to do it all.
The SIS won’t be allowed to break into your computers remotely and the GCSB won’t be able to break into your house, BUT (and here’s the joke) if they are operating under a joint warrant, they can do all those things.
These new powers follow up the mass surveillance legislation National rammed through Parliament that allowed agencies to ask the GCSB to spy on NZers. These new powers a;lopes the GCSB to do that all on their own.
A department that has been caught being racist in private will have huge unchecked powers – but it gets so much worse.

Nicky Hager would have been prosecuted. Andrea Vance could have been prosecuted. Jon Stephenson could have been prosecuted.  This blog could have been prosecuted.
The National Government will imprison whistleblowers -if your enemy is people telling the truth, then you have deep deep deep problems.
No Government Left or Right should ever be given this level of power. Using terrorism to justify this erosion of our civil liberty is unacceptable.
Once more for the breach of data dear friends, once more for the breach.
We simply can not and must not allow this to stand, it’s a direct threat to the media’s role of holding the Government to account. Losing that would damage our democracy far more than a lone wolf fanatic going on a rampage.
Protest actions will start being planned now.
snowden-new-zealand1
New law targets people who leak classified information



NZ Herald,
16 August, 2016



People who leak Government information will be targeted with a new offence that carries a maximum sentence of five years in jail.



Prime Minister John Key has announced legislation that will also let the Government Communications Security Bureau spy on New Zealanders' private information.



The bill comes in the same week that information leaked by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden resulted in media reports about the GCSB's monitoring of a Fiji democracy activist.



The Government denied the new power to target whistle blowers was related to the Snowden leaks.



Its introduction is a response to a broad-sweeping intelligence review by Sir Michael Cullen and Dame Patsy Reddy, released in March with 107 recommendations.



A new offence will be created for people who hold a government security clearance, or those given access to classified information, who wrongfully communicate, retain or copy it.



Intelligence agency employees who encounter evidence of wrong-doing can make a protected disclosure to the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security.



But if they give information to others or the media they face a prison sentence of up to five years in jail.



The new legislation will cover both the SIS and GCSB, and accepts one of the most controversial recommendations - allowing the GCSB to spy on Kiwis.



That breaks a longstanding split between the SIS and GCSB, under which the GCSB could only spy on foreigners and the SIS on New Zealanders.



The current law already allows the GCSB to spy on behalf of other agencies, with an approved warrant.



However, in releasing his review in March, Sir Michael said the GCSB had become hesitant to legally assist other agencies in such spying.



That happened after it was found to have possibly unlawfully spied on New Zealanders due to confusion over its powers when acting on behalf of other agencies.



The review recommended a single warranting regime that would have resulted in the SIS and GCSB having the same powers to collect intelligence.



The new legislation does not go quite that far - it will limit the GCSB to conduct remote searches of a computer, for example, while the SIS will be permitted to carry out a physical search of a private property.



If the agencies are operating under a joint warrant they will both be able to carry out all activities, including interception of communications, searching including of private premises, seizure and surveillance.



The new law would establish a single warranting framework for both agencies.

New Zealanders will be targeted only to protect national security or where they are an agent of a foreign power.



A "Type 1" intelligence warrant would be needed to target New Zealanders using otherwise unlawful activities, such as intercepting phone calls.



It would need approval from the Attorney-General and a Commissioner of Intelligence Warrants and will be subject to review by the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security. This has been called a "triple lock" process.



There will also be new flexibility in terms of getting warrants, including allowing warrants for classes of people and "purpose-based" warrants.



The Government gave the example of the intelligence agencies being alerted to a group of unidentified New Zealanders in Syria. A group warrant would allow them to target those people without having exact information on their identities.



A purpose-based warrant would specify the type of information sought - for example, a warrant to intercept communications to find out if New Zealanders are fighting with Isis in Syria.



Finally, urgent warrants can be sought in special cases, including where someone's life is at stake or there is a serious threat to New Zealand's national security.



In such cases, a warrant must still be applied for within 24 hours and if it is not authorised all information collected would be destroyed.



While allowing the GCSB to spy on New Zealanders, the Government says both it and the SIS will only be allowed to do so on the grounds of national security.



Labour leader Andrew Little said the definition of national security was too broad and "must be narrowed down to actual threats to security and government".



The party will support the legislation at the first hurdle, but wants that and other changes before it would support it further.



Little said it was also concerning that the legislation appeared to have ignored recommendations related to protections for personal information.



"These are vital and must be a part of the legislation. In today's world it is too easy to ignore privacy concerns and we have seen what happens in the past when protections aren't clear."



Under the legislation, intelligence agencies would have direct access to other Government database information including birth, death, marriage, name change, citizenship, immigration and Customs information.



A warrant is needed to access IRD records, numbers assigned to tertiary students and driver licence photos.



The SIS wants to access private student numbers so they can catch spies posing as international students.



Key, who cited the threat from terrorism during a press conference on the changes, said political parties needed to think carefully about opposing the changes.



"It is going to be very difficult for political parties if they don't vote for this legislation and there was ultimately an issue in New Zealand, then clearly fingers would be pointed about whether we could have done more to stop it."



The legislation will be introduced to the House on Thursday.




Saturday, 6 June 2015

Australia's draconian anti-whistleblower law and human rights abuses

New Act Criminalises Whistle-blowing on Detention Centres





4 June, 2015

A new Act introduced by the Abott government will see the criminalising of whistleblowing against Australia’s detention centres on Manus Island and Nauru.

The Australian Border Force Act 2015 creates a criminal offence punishable by imprisonment for up to two years for any person who speaks out against conditions at Australia's offshore refugee processing centres.

Persons, who speak out against Australia’s offshore refugee processing centres on Manus and Nauru, are likely to face imprisonment, once the Australian Border Force Act 2015 comes into effect next month.

The law was recently passed by the government of Australia, thus criminalising the act of whistleblowing against Australia’s controversial asylum centres. The new law will make it a criminal offence for persons working directly or indirectly with the Australia’s immigration department, to disclose information about the facilities.

Offenders who reveal to the media or any other organisation outside of the government and its departments and agencies, of the affairs of the detention centres could face a jail term of up to two years.

That means any worker or contractor who speaks to the media could face prison for up to two years jail.

Immigrations workers will now be required to work under oath, according to the Australian Border Force Act 2015, however, the contents of the oath are not detailed in the legislation.

The Australian Lawyers Alliance spokesperson on asylum seekers, Greg Barns, told the ABC that the law will have a chilling effect on what any employee or contractor of the centre, including NGOs and doctors, can say.

The Act comes into effect on the 1st of July.


Here is a very good report from Radio New Zealand's Tagata o te Moana



A veil of secrecy has been thrown over Australia's immigration detention system.

From the ABC

Those working in Australia's detention centres are now forbidden under threat of jail time from revealing information to anyone about anything they come across while doing their jobs, write Greg Barns and George Newhouse



Friday, 26 September 2014

September 26: the day democracy died in Australia

A reminder from history

"First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out— because I was not a Socialist.

"Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out— because I was not a Trade Unionist.

"Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out— because I was not a Jew.


"Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me".



This is the thin edge of the wedge in Australia and may well go down in history as the day liberty died in Australia (like it did in the US when they passed the Patriot Act)

No doubt when this comes to New Zealand in the near future, courtesy of John Key, the majority of the population will welcome the loss of freedom.

It has been like that in history - and will be like that in future.

Australia: Terror laws clear Senate, enabling entire Australian web to be monitored and whistleblowers to be jailed
Australian spies will soon have the power to monitor the entire Australian internet with just one warrant, and journalists and whistleblowers will face up to 10 years' jail for disclosing classified information.




SMH,
26 September, 2014



The government's first tranche of tougher anti-terrorism bills, which will beef up the powers of the domestic spy agency ASIO, passed the Senate by 44 votes to 12 on Thursday night with bipartisan support from Labor.
Attorney-General George Brandis praised the laws being passed.
Attorney-General George Brandis praised the laws being passed. Photo: Andrew Meares


The bill, the National Security Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 1) 2014, will now be sent to the House of Representatives, where passage is all but guaranteed on Tuesday at the earliest.
Anyone - including journalists, whistleblowers and bloggers - who "recklessly" discloses "information ... [that] relates to a special intelligence operation" faces up to 10 years' jail.
Any operation can be declared "special" by an authorised ASIO officer
The senate votes on the bill on Thursday night.
The senate votes on the bill on Thursday night.

This also gives ASIO immunity for criminal and civil liability in certain circumstances.
Many, including lawyers and academics, have said they fear the agency will abuse this power.
Those who identify ASIO agents could also face a decade in prison under the new bill, a tenfold increase on the existing maximum penalty.
The new bill also allows ASIO to seek just one warrant to access a limitless number of computers on a computer network when attempting to monitor a target, which lawyers, rights groups, academics and Australian media organisations have condemned.
They said this would effectively allow the entire internet to be monitored, as it is a "network of networks" and the bill does not specifically define what a computer network is.
ASIO will also be able to copy, delete, or modify the data held on any of the computers it has a warrant to monitor.
The bill also allows ASIO to disrupt target computers, and use innocent third-party computers not targeted in order to access a target computer.
Professor George Williams of the University of NSW has warned previously the bill was too broad.
And, unlike the government's controversial plans to get internet providers to store metadata for up to two years, the bill passed on Thursday allows for the content of communications to be stored.
Most groups that had complained about the new bill also said they feared its disclosure offences went too far, with the Australian Lawyers Alliance saying they would have "not just a chilling effect but a freezing effect" on national security reporting.
Attorney-General George Brandis did not seek to allay their concerns on Thursday but said that, in a "newly dangerous age", it was vital that those protecting Australia were equipped with the powers and capabilities they needed.
When the bill passed on Thursday night, he said it was the most important reform for Australia's intelligence agencies since the late 1970s.
On Wednesday afternoon, Senator Brandis confirmed that, under the legislation, ASIO would be able to use just one warrant to access numerous devices on a network.
The warrant would be issued by the director-general of ASIO or his deputy.
"There is no arbitrary or artificial limit on the number of devices," Senator Brandis told the Senate.
However, Senator Brandis did say on Thursday that the new bills did not target journalists specifically, despite concerns from media organisations that they would be targets.
The new legislation instead targeted those who leaked classified information, such as the former US National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden, Senator Brandis said.
"These provisions have nothing to do with the press."
Despite this, Senator Brandis refused to say whether reporting on cases similar to Australia's foreign spy agency ASIS allegedly bugging East Timor's cabinet and the Australian Signals Directorate tapping the Indonesian president and his wife's mobile phone would result in journalists or whistleblowers being jailed.
The Australian Greens, through Senator Scott Ludlam, put forward an amendment that would limit the number of computers ASIO could access with one warrant to 20 but it failed to gain support from Labor or the government.
Speaking after the bill passed, Senator Ludlam told Fairfax Media he was disappointed.
"What we've seen [tonight] is, I think, a scary, disproportionate and unnecessary expansion of coercive surveillance powers that will not make anybody any safer but that affect freedoms that have been quite hard fought for and hard won over a period of decades," Senator Ludlam said.
"I have very grave concerns about the direction that the Australian government seems to be suddenly taking the country."
Independent Senator Nick Xenophon and Liberal Democratic Senator David Leyonhjelm also put forward amendments that would protect whistleblowers but these did not gain enough support either.
The legislation, which also covers a number of other issues, addresses many of the recommendations of a joint parliamentary inquiry into Australia's national security laws.
After concerns were raised by Labor and Senator Leyonhjelm, the government agreed to amend the legislation to specifically rule out ASIO using torture.
"ASIO cannot, does not and has never engaged in torture," Senator Brandis said.
The Palmer United Party was also successful in amending the law so anyone who exposes an undercover ASIO operative could face up to 10 years behind bars instead of one.
"The internet poses one of the greatest threats to our existence," Palmer United Party Senator Glen Lazarus said, speaking out against Senator Ludlam's amendment.
The Australian Greens voted against the bill, slamming the new measures as extreme and a "relentless expansion of powers" of the surveillance state.
Senator Leyonhjelm and Senator Xenophon also opposed the legislation, as did independent Senator John Madigan.
One of the amendments put forward by Senator Xenophon would have required ASIO's watchdog, the  Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security, to report publicly each year on how many devices ASIO accessed.
But Labor and the government voted against it, with Senator Brandis saying it "would not be appropriate" to report figures as it would reveal information about ASIO's capabilities.
The legal changes come amid growing concern over Islamic State extremists in the Middle East and terrorism threats at home.
Islamic State (also known as ISIL) has ordered followers to target civilian Australians.
In less than a week, police in two states launched the biggest counter-terrorism raids in Australia's history, and shot dead a known terrorist suspect after he stabbed two officers in Melbourne.
A second anti-terrorism bill targeting foreign fighters was introduced in the Senate on Wednesday and will be debated next month.
These changes have opposition support and would make it a criminal office to travel to a terrorist hot-spot without a reasonable excuse.
A third bill enabling the collection of internet and phone metadata for a period of up to two years for warrantless access by law-enforcement and spy agencies will be introduced later this year.
- with AAP

Eight ways Tony Abbott is trying to trade freedom for security
A series of law enforcement and intelligence gathering bills to be considered by parliament will affect the rights of all Australians


24 September, 2014


The Australian prime minister, Tony Abbott, has argued that some freedoms may need to be sacrificed in order to protect Australians. Citizens are now being asked to support a shift in “the delicate balance between freedom and security”.

But what is that shift and how far should it go? The federal government is embarking on a series of major changes to our law enforcement and intelligence gathering power. Many of these changes are confusing, highly technical, and are being brought forward in a series of different bills that are at very different stages.
What they will all affect are the rights and freedoms of Australians. The debate that occurs over the coming months in federal parliament and in the public domain will shape how digital rights, personal liberties and freedoms are protected in years to come.
Here are eight of the key changes being proposed across three separate bills and how they could affect your rights and freedoms.
National security reform bill one
This bill was introduced into the Senate in July by the attorney general. It was then sent to the joint committee on intelligence and security, which proposed some small changes to the legislation. It is now being debated in the Senate. The three points below are found in this bill.
1) Journalists and whistleblowers face jail for intelligence reporting
Australian journalists could face prosecution and jail for reporting about certain spy operations, even if there is a public interest in the release of the information. This bill creates a new offence punishable by five years in jail for “any person” who discloses information relating to “special intelligence operations” and raises serious concerns about press freedom in Australia. While Brandis has said that the new offence is not aimed at journalists, the joint committee review did not recommend changes to the law – meaning journalists could still face penalties down the line if they knowingly report on these types of operations.
Separate offences have also been created that only apply to current and former intelligence operatives and contractors in a move which appeared to directly address the risk of documentary disclosures being made following revelations by the US National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden – who Brandis has previously labelled a “traitor”.
2) Computer hacking powers for intelligence agencies
New powers could allow Asio to obtain massive warrants for effectively the whole of the internet as part of changes to computer access laws. Under these changes, Asio will be given new powers to obtains warrants to disrupt and target “third party computers”. But as constitutional law expert and University of New South Wales professor George Williams told Fairfax Media, the new laws could effectively allow agencies to gain access to one “network” that effectively covered all of Australia. Depending on the scope of these warrants and how they are interpreted, this could involve quite serious invasions of privacy.
3) Immunity from prosecution for uses of force by Asio officers involved in “special intelligence operations”
One of the most controversial aspects of this legislation allows Asio officers to use force during certain types of operations. Traditionally, the intelligence agency was about just that – intelligence gathering. But changes in this bill seem to indicate a shift permitting them to engage in a much broader range of activities that were traditionally left to other law enforcement agencies.
They won’t be able to kill or seriously injure or commit a sexual assault – but the fact remains that this does permit a level of force to be used by Asio officers in these types of special intelligence operations. An amendment to the bill was subsequently moved by the government to helpfully clarify that it does not permit torture.
National security reform bill two
This bill was introduced into the Senate on 24 September. It has not yet been debated, and will likely go to the joint committee for intelligence and security for their consideration first. If that is the case it will not be debated in the Senate for at least another month. The four points below are found in this bill.
4) Expanding detention without charge powers
Controversial orders to hold people with charge that were introduced by the Howard government are set to be not only retained but expanded under this bill.
Preventative detention orders allow a person to be detained without charge for up to 14 days and their use is shrouded in secrecy. They were set to expire last year, but the case is now being made for their renewal for another 10 years.
The only types of these orders ever made were issued last week in the major counter-terrorism operation in Sydney under NSW legislation. The AFP even refused to confirm how many people were being detained under these orders, and there is currently an indefinite order prevention publication of any details about them.
The new act also seeks to lower the threshold for when police officers can apply for these orders from having a “belief” to a “suspicion” While it may seem semantic this is an important distinction that lowers the bar for applying to a court for the orders.
Legal experts have questioned the need for this entire regime to exist – given there are already substantial powers to hold and detain people under the existing criminal code, and particularly seeing as there doesn’t seem to have been much use for these laws over the past decade.
5) Restricting freedom of movement and association with control orders and prohibited contact orders
Control orders and prohibited contact orders will similarly be retained under the new bill if it succeeds in passing. Control orders allow a judge to impose restrictions on the movement of a person without finding them guilty of an offence, while prohibited contact orders limit their associations.
Both of these orders will be expanded to increase the range of reasons they can be sought, including restricting the movement or associations people who have been involved in foreign incursions and return to Australia.
6) Life imprisonment for people who fight, or even prepare to fight, overseas in a foreign country
An aggressive deterrent is being put forward where people who fight or intend to fight in a foreign country could face life imprisonment. The government is radically reshaping the foreign incursion laws to create life sentences for people who engage in foreign incursions, prepare for foreign incursions, give or receive goods or allow the use of buildings or vessels for foreign incursions.
7) Prohibiting travel to a region, or even an entire country, unless a person can demonstrate a legitimate reason for being there
In a separate offence that requires a lower threshold of evidence than the previous incursion law, an entire country can be declared a “no-go zone” that could see entrants to the country jailed for 10 years if they cannot point to a legitimate reason for their trip.
The new offence would criminalise a person entering or remaining in a “declared area” by the foreign affairs minister if they enter or remain in an area that has been proscribed.
The defendant would need to demonstrate they had a legitimate reason for being there – which could include journalism, aid work or government duties – to avoid being subject to the offence. Australian Lawyers Alliance spokesman Greg Barns has raised serious concerns about whether this law is necessary or proportionate – and what value it would serve given the existing laws surrounding incursions.
National security reform bill three
This is the last package of national security legislation and is likely to be mainly about electronic surveillance. It is much more difficult to consider what impact it will have, as the government still appears to be considering what changes they will make. But they have given some indications of what they would like to see, and the one point below outlines this. The attorney general has flagged the bill for introduction later this year.
8) Mandatory data retention of Australians web and mobile data for two years
Mandatory data retention would largely be for the purposes of allowing web and mobile data to be seized by law enforcement and intelligence agencies. This sort of retention potentially exposes Australians to significant intrusions into their private lives, allowing broad access to who, when and where a person emailed or call somebody.

The proposal has created additional concerns because of the weak safeguards around access to this sort of personal information already in place. Under the current laws, thousands of local, state and federal agencies can request access to Australians’ personal data – or metadata – without a warrant. Access to this data is so easy there were over 300,000 requests for Australians’ personal data in 2013. It raises serious concerns for all citizens, but also poses major difficulties for journalists and their sources, who can easily be exposed through these laws


Not everyone has gone alone with this

Sunday, 3 November 2013

Treatment of nuclear whistleblowers

Shocking Treatment of US Nuclear Whisteblowers
  • Sent to office in basement with rat poison after warning of Fukushima-like explosion
  • Another given office in storage room with drums of radioactive waste and asbestos soon after having chemotherapy


2 November, 2013




KING 5 News, Nov. 1, 2013

Hanfordwhistleblower: ‘I was now the enemy’ 

[...] [Dr. Walt] Tamosaitis determined that the mixers, as designed, would not be able to mix the waste sufficiently, posing a risk that heavy radioactive elements would collect at the bottom of the tanks and begin a nuclear chain reaction. The reaction, in turn, would generate large amounts of explosive hydrogen gas (a similar hydrogen build up at the Fukushima nuclear plant in Japan caused large explosions after the 2011 Tsunami damaged that facility). [...] “The worst case scenario would be a criticality and trapping of hydrogen gas which could lead to a hydrogen explosion,” said Tamosaitis. [...] URS moved Tamosaitis to another building where he was assigned to a makeshift office in the basement. He sat alone in a cramped space full of storage boxes, rat poison feeders and copy machines. He was not assigned any work and had no boss to report to. “The message was, ‘Don’t do what Walter did. Don’t raise issues. Shut up (and) do what we say,’” said Tamosaitis. [...]  The Defense Nuclear Facility Safety Board and the Government Accountability Office both issued reports highlighting Tamosaitis’ work. And in early 2012 Energy Secretary Steven Chu ordered a halt to WTP construction.

.

New York Times, Aug. 5, 2013

After Charles D. Varnadore complained about safety at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory [...] his bosses moved him to an office containing radioactive waste. When an industrial hygienist recommended that either he or the waste be moved, he was put in a room contaminated with mercury ["visible mercury was in several places"]. [...] His difficulties began in 1990, after he returned to work following colon cancer surgery. He found that his replacement had shortcomings in handling lab samples, and he pointed this out to his superiors [...] he was given a storage room as an office [...] The room contained bags and drums of radioactive waste, as well as bags of asbestos and chemical waste. [...] “The only conclusion which can be drawn from this record is that they intentionally put him under stress with full knowledge that he was a cancer patient recovering from extensive surgery and lengthy chemotherapy,” the judge, Theodor P. Von Brand, wrote in his decision.  [...] Judge Von Brand sent the matter to the labor secretary, Robert B. Reich [who] dismissed some of Mr. Varnadore’s charges on the ground that they had been filed too late, and he dismissed others because he did not believe that they had been proved conclusively. [...]
Perhaps Mr. Tomaisitis would disagree with these statements in the New York Times article:
Mr. Varnadore’s complaints also led to stronger laws and practices governing employees who dare to blow the whistle on powerful employers

No other whistle-blower will ever be treated that way again,” [said Varnadore's lawyer]

Wednesday, 31 July 2013

Ruling against whistleblowers


US judge rules that Espionage Act does not require proof of any harm done
In another potential setback for whistleblowers, a US judge has made a ruling that essentially lowers the requirements for government prosecutors to prove damage to national security committed by alleged leakers.



RT,
30 July 2013


The case concerns Stephen Jin-Woo Kim, who in 2010 was indicted on two counts of disclosing national defense secrets to Fox News reporter James Rosen the year prior. Kim’s information was based on an intelligence report which was available to a limited number of government employees.

Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly ruled that the prosecution does not need to show that the information Kim allegedly leaked could damage US national security or benefit a foreign power, even potentially.

Her ruling went against the 1985 v. Morison case, in which Samuel L. Morison was convicted of unauthorized disclosure of satellite imagery to Jane’s Defence Weekly. Kollar-Kotelly said that she disagreed with the precedent it set, which required prosecution to prove harm to national security.

The Court declines to adopt the Morison court’s construction of information relating to the ‘national defense’ insofar as it requires the government to show that disclosure of the information would be potentially damaging to the United States or useful to an enemy of the United States,” Judge Kollar-Kotelly wrote.

That decision could well modify interpretation of the 1917 Espionage Act for future whistleblower cases. Kim’s legal defense says that without the need to prove harm done to national security, the Espionage Act is essentially converted into a “Government Secrets Act.”

The requirement that disclosure of the information be ‘potentially damaging’ is ‘implicit in the purpose of the statute and assures that the government cannot abuse the statute by penalizing citizens for discussing information the government has no compelling reason to keep confidential,” wrote the defense.

In her ruling, the judge accepts the prosecution’s argument that interpretation of the Espionage Act does not necessitate that the government prove its case, contrary to 1985 v. Morison and subsequent cases since then.

By its terms, Section 793(d) [of the Espionage Act] does not require the United States to prove any harm, whether potential or not…” wrote the prosecution.

Kim’s story has become one of the most well known instances of an Obama administration clampdown on government information leaks, and attracted national attention following disclosure of a warrant for Rosen’s personal emails and the potential to prosecute the reporter as a co-conspirator. That warrant came to light on the heels of evidence showing far wider surveillance of phone records pertaining to the Associated Press.

Federal prosecutors have argued that Kim’s leak falls under harm to national defense, while Kim and his defense team have countered that the information was well known within Washington, and that the Justice Department is exceeding the spirit and definition of espionage laws.

Kim allegedly told Rosen in 2009 that North Korea was planning to test a nuclear warhead - information which then became key for Rosen’s subsequent article entitled “North Korea Intends to Match UN Resolution with New Nuclear Test.”

Last week, Kim’s defense attorney, Abbe Lowell, argued that other national security officials could have communicated with Fox News reporter James Rosen prior to him publishing his story on North Korea’s nuclear program.

Court documents from Kim’s trial included details of contacts made by Fox News either directly or to the offices of three other potential sources in government, all who denied any involvement in the leak. Those sources included former deputy national security adviser Denis McDonough, former counterterrorism adviser John Brennan – who now serves as CIA director - and former deputy national security adviser for operations, Mark Lippert - now an assistant secretary of defense.

The case brought against Kim is unlikely to go to trial before early 2014, according to The Washington Post.