US
Hyperinflation Is A Myth
Raul
Ilargi Meijer
20
October, 2012
It's
time we do away with the notion behind the incessant flow of stories
and warnings about upcoming hyperinflation in the US. It can't and
therefore won't happen, at least not for years into the future. It
would be a lot more constructive - and necessary - to focus on the
reality we see before us than on such a purely mythological tale.
Because that's all it is. Bubbles, and yes, that includes credit
bubbles, have their own internal dynamics: they MUST pop when they
reach critical mass.
Trying
to prevent the pop, or even increase that mass, is futile. And even
though that may be more about physics than about finance, why it is
so hard to understand is beyond me. The deleveraging, a.k.a. debt
deflation, has hardly begun, and it for now remains largely hidden
behind a veil of QEs. That doesn't negate the fact that ultimately QE
is powerless to stop it, even as it sure manages to fool a lot of
people into thinking it can.
But
don't take my word for it. You could start with - even - the IMF
saying European banks will need to sell $4.5 trillion in assets
through 2013.
And then try to explain how that could possibly link to
hyperinflation. For now: never mind.
Puru
Saxena wrote a good piece on the topic recently, here are a few
excerpts:
The
world’s major economies are struggling and their private-sector is
deleveraging (paying off debt). If history is any guide, this
deflationary process is likely to continue for several years.
You
will recall that heading into the global financial crisis,
corporations and households in the developed world were leveraged to
the hilt. During the pre-crisis era, debt was considered a birth
right and for decades, the private-sector leveraged its
balance-sheet. Unfortunately, when the US housing market peaked and
Lehman went bust, asset values plummeted but the liabilities remain
unchanged. Thus, for the first time in their lives, people in the
developed world experienced the wrath of excessive leverage.
Today,
the private-sector in the West is struggling and for the vast
majority of households, their liabilities now exceed their assets.
Furthermore, incomes have also declined (or vanished), thereby making
the debt servicing even more difficult. Consequently, in order to
avoid bankruptcy, the private-sector in the developed world is now
trying its best to reduce its debt overhang. Instead of getting
excited by near-zero interest rates and taking on even more debt, it
is now doing the unthinkable and paying off its liabilities.
Figure
1 shows that despite the Federal Reserve’s carrot of almost free
credit, the private-sector in the US is deleveraging. As you can see,
since the bursting of the housing bubble, America’s companies and
households have been accumulating large surpluses. Make no mistake,
it is this deleveraging which is responsible for the sluggish
economic activity in much of the developed world. Furthermore, this
urge to repay debt is the real reason why monetary policy in the West
has become ineffective.
Figure
1: America’s private-sector is not playing Mr. Bernanke’s game.
Source: Nomura
If
you review data, you will note that in addition to the US, most
nations in Western Europe are also deleveraging and this explains why
the continent’s economy is on its knees.
The
truth is that such periods of deleveraging continue for several years
and when the private-sector decides to repay debt, interest rates
remain subdued and monetary policy becomes ineffective. Remember,
during a normal business cycle, monetary easing succeeds in igniting
another wave of leverage. However, when the private-sector is already
leveraged to the hilt and it is dealing with negative equity, low
interest rates fail to kick start another credit binge.
As
much as Mr. Bernanke would like to ignore this reality, it is clear
to us that this is where the developed world stands today.
Furthermore, this ongoing deleveraging is the primary reason why the
Federal Reserve’s stimulus has failed to increase America’s money
supply or unleash high inflation. Figure 2 shows that over the past 4
years, the US monetary base has grown exponentially, yet this has not
translated into money supply or loan growth.
Figure
2: Liquidity injections have failed to increase US money supply.
Source: Nomura
At
this stage, it is difficult to forecast when the ongoing deleveraging
will end. However, we suspect that the private-sector may continue to
pay off debt for at least another 4-5 years. In our view, unless the
US housing market improves and real-estate prices rise significantly,
American households will not be lured by record-low borrowing costs.
Furthermore, given the fact that tens of millions of baby boomers are
approaching retirement age, we believe that the ongoing deleveraging
will not end anytime soon. Due to this rare aversion to debt,
interest rates in the West will probably remain low for several
years. [..]
Once
you realize just how enormous that gap is (see that last graph)
between the monetary base vs the money supply, and the seemingly
smaller gap between monetary base vs loans and leases, maybe then you
see a light a-shinin'. Maybe you never thought about things that way
before, or maybe you never saw it in a graph, and you needed to see
that. It surely carries a very large argument against hyperinflation.
Puru
Saxena thinks there are positive signs in US housing numbers, that
there's a bottom, and he's certainly not the only one; that's one
train everyone seems to be eager to jump on.
I’m
sorry, but I think the recent alleged US housing recovery is a
proverbial soap bubble. In the article below, Tyler Durden at ZH
calls it a "subsidized bounce". He also says: "two
concurrent housing bubbles can not happen", and he may well
be right, but if he is, it means that perhaps what we see is a bubble
within a bubble, a mother and child bubble, instead of two concurrent
ones. Durden brings interesting numbers and developments to the
forefront. It would be good if more people digest them, and only then
decide whether this is a recovery or not.
US
households are not merely deleveraging, and taken as a whole you
could perhaps make a point that they're not at all. They go one step
beyond deleveraging: they're simply and plainly defaulting.
Lately
there has been an amusing and very spurious, not to mention wrong,
argument among both the "serious media" and the various
tabloids, that US households have delevered to the tune of $1
trillion, primarily as a result of mortgage debt reductions (not to
be confused with total consumer debt which month after month hits new
record highs, primarily due to soaring student and GM auto loans).
The implication here is that unlike in year past, US households are
finally doing the responsible thing and are actively deleveraging of
their own free will.
This
couldn't be further from the truth, and to put baseless rumors of
this nature to rest once and for all, below we have compiled a simple
chart using the NY Fed's own data, showing the total change in
mortgage debt, and what portion of it is due to discharges (aka
defaults) of 1st and 2nd lien debt. In a nutshell: based on NYFed
calculations, there has been $800 billion in mortgage debt
deleveraging since the end of 2007. This has been due to $1.2
trillion in discharges (the amount is greater than the total first
lien mortgages, due to the increasing use of HELOCs and 2nd lien
mortgages before the housing bubble popped).
In
other words, instead of actual responsible behavior of paying down
debt, the primary if not only reason there has been any
"deleveraging" at all at the US household level, is because
of excess debt which became insurmountable, not because it
was being paid down, the result of which is that more and more
Americans are simply handing their keys in to the bank and walking
away, and also explains why the US banking system is now practicing
Foreclosure Stuffing, as defined first here, as the banks know too
well, if all the housing inventory which is currently in the default
pipeline were unleashed, it would rip off any floor below the US
housing "recovery" which is not a recovery at all,
but merely a subsidized bounce, as millions of units are
held on the banks' books in hopes that what limited inventory there
is gets bid up so high the second housing bubble can be
inflated before the first one has even fully burst.
Naturally,
two concurrent housing bubbles can not happen, Bernanke's fondest
wishes to the contrary notwithstanding, especially since as shown
above, US households do not delever unless they actually file for
bankruptcy, and in the process destroy their credit rating for years,
making them ineligible for future debt for at least five years.
It
is thus safe to say that all the other increasingly poorer US
households [..] are merely adding on more and more debt in hopes of
going out in a bankrupt blaze of glory just like everyone else: from
their neighbors, to all "developed world" governments. And
why not: after all this behavior is being endorsed by the Fed with
both hands and feet.
The
following graph from TD Securities ( through
Sam Ro at BI )
makes a good case for the "subsidized bounce" definition
Durden applies to the present US housing market. It's no secret
there's a huge shadow inventory overhanging US housing, and now it
comes out that those great new home numbers are not what everybody
would like to think they are.
Many
more houses are built than sold. And get shoved on top of the pile
that's already there, both the shadow inventory and the out of the
closet one. Which begs the question: how long does a home stay in the
"new" category? Does it take 1 year of staying empty for it
to move to "existing"? 2 years, 3 years? 5? For one thing,
builders and developers certainly have a huge incentive to continue
to advertise it as new.
A
graph from the same source:
How
this constitutes a recovery I just can't fathom. I think that is just
something people would like so much to see that they actually see it.
Moreover, there remains the issue that it's very hard for most to
comprehend what debt deflation is, what its dynamics are, and what
consequences it has.
We
have lived through the by far biggest credit bubble in history. It
should be clear to everyone that this bubble has not fully - been -
deflated yet (and if it's not, good luck). Until it has, economic
recovery and housing recovery are pipedreams. And so is
hyperinflation, though that may be more of a pipe nightmare. There is
no way QE, or money printing, or whatever you name it, can cause
hyperinflation against the tide of a deflating bubble. Once a bubble
has fully burst, it is a possibility. But only then. And only if and
when a country has become unable to borrow in international debt
markets. Greece perhaps soon, but for the US it's years away, if
ever.
QE
Ad Infinitum: Why QE is Not Reviving Growth
In a speech in November of 2002, Fed chairman Ben Bernanke made the now infamous statement, "the U.S. government has a technology, called the printing press, that allows it to produce as many U.S. dollars as it wishes essentially at no cost," thus earning the nickname "Helicopter Ben". Then, he was "confident that the Fed would take whatever means necessary to prevent significant deflation", while admitting that "the effectiveness of anti-deflation policy would be significantly enhanced by cooperation between the monetary AND fiscal authorities."
Five
years after the 2008 financial crisis, Helicopter Ben undoubtedly has
a greater appreciation for the issues the BoJ faced in the 1990s. The
US 10-year treasury bond (as well as global bond) yields have been in
a secular decline since 1980 and hit new historical lows after the
crisis. What the bond market has been telling us even before the QE
era is that bond investors expect even lower sustainable growth as
well as ongoing disinflation/deflation, something that Helicopter Ben
has been unable to eradicate despite unprecedented Fed balance sheet
deployment.
A
Broken Monetary Transfer Mechanism
Effective
monetary policy is dependent on the function of what central bankers
call the Monetary Transmission Mechanism, where "central bank
policy-induced changes in the nominal money stock or the short-term
nominal interest rate impact real economy variables such as aggregate
output and employment, through the effects this monetary policy has
on interest rates, exchange rates, equity and real estate prices,
bank lending, and corporate balance sheets."
Yet
two monetary indicators, i.e., the money multiplier and the velocity
of money clearly demonstrate that the plumbing of this monetary
transmission mechanism is dysfunctional. In reality, the modern
economy is driven by demand-determined credit, where money supply
(M1, M2, M3) is just an arbitrary reflection of the credit circuit.
As long as expectations in the real economy are not affected,
increases in Fed-supplied money will simply be a swap of one
zero-interest asset for another, no matter how much the monetary base
increases. Thus the volume of credit is the real variable, not the
size of QE or the monetary base.
Prior
to 2001, the Bank of Japan repeatedly argued against quantitative
easing, arguing that it would be ineffective in that the excess
liquidity would simply be held by banks as excess reserves. They were
forced into adopting QE between 2001 and 2006 through the greater
expedient of ensuring the stability of the Japanese banking system.
Japan's QE did function to stabilize the banking system, but did not
have any visible favorable impact on the real economy in terms of
demand for credit. Despite a massive increase in bank reserves at the
BoJ and a corresponding increase in base money, lending in the
Japanese banking system did not increase because: a) Japanese banks
were using the excess liquidity to repair their balance sheets and b)
because both the banks and their corporate clients were trying to
de-lever their balance sheets.
Further,
instead of creating inflation, Japan experienced deflation, and these
deflationary pressures continue today amidst tepid economic growth.
This process of debt de-leveraging morphing into tepid long-term,
deflationary growth with rapidly rising government debt is now
referred to as "Japanification".
Two
Measures of Monetary Policy Effectiveness
(1)
The Money Multiplier. The money multiplier is a measure of
the maximum amount of commercial bank money (money in the economy)
that can be created by a given unit of central bank money, i.e., the
total amount of loans that commercial banks extend/create.
Theoretically, it is the reciprocal of the reserve ratio, or the
amount of total funds the banks are required to keep on hand to
provide for possible deposit withdrawals.
Since
September 2008, the quantity of reserves in the U.S. banking system
has grown dramatically. Prior to the onset of the financial crisis,
required reserves were about $40 billion and excess reserves were
roughly $1.5 billion. Following the collapse of Lehman Brothers,
excess reserves exploded, climbing to $1.6 trillion, or over 10X
"normal" levels. While required reserves also over this
period, this change was dwarfed by the large and unprecedented rise
in excess reserves. In other words, because the monetary transfer
mechanism plumbing is stopped-up, monetary stimulus merely results in
a huge build-up of bank reserves held at the central bank.
If
banks lend out close to the maximum allowed by their reserves, then
the amount of commercial bank money equals the amount of central bank
money provided times the money multiplier. However, if banks lend
less than the maximum allowable according to their reserve ratio,
they accumulate "excess" reserves, meaning the amount of
commercial bank money being created is less than the central bank
money being created. As is shown in the following FRED chart, the
money multiplier collapsed during the 2008 financial crisis, plunging
from from 1.5 to less than 0.8.
Further,
there has been a consistent decline in the money multiplier from the
mid-1980s prior to its collapse in 2008, which is similar to what
happened in Japan. In Japan, this long-term decline in the money
multiplier was attributable to a) deflationary expectations, and b) a
rise in the ratio of cash in the non-financial sector. The gradual
downtrend of the multiplier since 1980 has been a one-way street,
reflecting a 20+ year dis-inflationary trend in the U.S. that turned
into outright deflation in 2008.
(2)
The Velocity of Money. The velocity of money is a
measurement of the amount of economic activity associated with a
given money supply, i.e., total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) divided
by the Money Supply. This measurement also shows a marked slowdown in
the amount of activity in the U.S. economy for the given amount of M2
money supply, i.e., increasingly more money is chasing the same level
of output. During times of high inflation and prosperity, the
velocity of money is high as the money supply is recycled from
savings to loans to capital investment and consumption.
During
periods of recession, the velocity of money falls as people and
companies start saving and conserving. The FRED chart below also
shows that the velocity of money in the U.S. has been consistently
declining since before the IT bubble burst in January 2000—i.e.,
all the liquidity pumped into the system by the Fed from Y2K scare
onward has basically been chasing its tail, leaving banks and
corporates with more and more excess, unused cash that was not being
re-cycled into the real economy.
Monetary
Base Explosion Not Offsetting Collapsing Money Multiplier and
Velocity
The
wonkish explanation is BmV = PY, (where B = the monetary base, m =
the money multiplier, V = velocity of money), PY is nominal GDP. In
other words, the massive amounts of central bank monetary stimulus
provided by the Fed and other central banks since the 2008 financial
crisis have merely worked to offset the deflationary/recessionary
impact of a collapsing money multiplier and velocity of money, but
have not had a significant, lasting impact on nominal GDP or
unemployment.
The
only verifiable beneficial impact of QE, as in the case of Japan over
a decade ago and the U.S. today is the stabilization of the banking
system. But it is clear from the above measures and overall economic
activity that monetary policy actions have been far less effective,
and may even have been detrimental in terms of deflationary pressures
by encouraging excess bank reserves. Until the money multiplier and
velocity of money begin to re-expand, there will be no sustainable
growth of credit, jobs, consumption, housing; i.e., real economic
activity. By the same token, the speed of the recovery is dependent
upon how rapidly the private sector cleanses their balance sheets of
toxic assets.
QE falls into
a black hole. And it leads into an - if possible
even larger - black hole. Ben Bernanke and Mario Draghi have neither
the power nor the tools to stop deleveraging and debt deflation.
That's just a myth they, and many with them who stand to benefit from
that myth, like you to continue believing. It makes it all that much
easier for them.
That
surge in excess bank reserves (see the second graph above) comes from
QE. It is your money, everyone's money. And it does nothing to "heal"
the economy you live in and depend on for your survival; it just
takes away more of it all the time. That is the one thing Ben and
Mario have power over: they can give money away that you will have to
pay for down the line. They can lend it out to banks knowing that it
will never be repaid, and not care one inch. Knowing meanwhile that
you won't either, because you don't look at what's down the line, you
look at today, and today everything looks fine. Except for that
graph, perhaps, but hey, how many people are there who understand
what it says?
One
thing Ben and Mario can not do, however, is create hyperinflation.
They can't even truly create any type of real inflation (which is
money/credit supply x velocity vs goods and services), for that
matter. They're stuck as much as you yourself are in the dynamics of
this bursting bubble.
At
The Automatic Earth, Nicole - Stoneleigh - Foss and I have been
saying for years that deleveraging and debt deflation are an
inevitable consequence of what went before and an equally inevitable
precursor of anything that may come after. And I have often said that
the deleveraging will be so severe that what may come after is only
moderately interesting, since you won't hardly recognize your world
once deflation has run its course. Apparently this is hard to
understand, the hyperinflation myth just won't die. What can I say?
Time to get serious.
I have a "FAQ for Hyperinflation Skeptics" that people might be interested in:
ReplyDeletehttp://howfiatdies.blogspot.com/2012/10/faq-for-hyperinflation-skeptics.html