All
Three Branches Agree: Big Brother Is the New Normal
David
Kravets
29
October, 2012
Despite
Hurricane Sandy, the Supreme Court on Monday entertained oral
arguments on whether it should halt a legal challenge to a
once-secret warrantless surveillance program targeting Americans’
communications, a program that Congress eventually legalized in 2008.
The
hearing marked
the first time the Supreme Court has reviewed any case touching on
the eavesdropping program that
was secretly employed by the President George W. Bush administration
in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001 terror attacks, and largely
codified into law years later.
Just
three weeks ago that the Supreme Court closed a six-year-old chapter
in the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s bid to hold the nation’s
telecoms liable for allegedly providing the National Security Agency
with backdoors to eavesdrop, without warrants, on Americans’
electronic communications in violation of federal law. The
justices, without
comment,
declined to
review a lower court’s December decision dismissing
the EFF’s lawsuit. At the center of the dispute was
legislation retroactively immunizing the telcos from being sued for
cooperating with the government in Bush’s warrantless spy program.
Fast
forward to Monday, and the court took the historic step of hearing a
post-September 11 spying case. Judging by the high court’s
deference to Congress in general and how it killed the EFF spy case
weeks ago, we likely already know the outcome of this highly complex
issue now before the justices: Warrantless spying is expected to
continue unabated for years, and possibly forever.
University
of Baltimore legal scholar Garrett Epps in a Sunday blog post in the
Atlantic asked in a headline whether “Big
Brother is the New Normal?”
His own affirmative answer is spot-on:
“Whatever
the court decides, Big Brother will still be watching. Big Brother
may be watching you right now, and you may never know,” he said.
“Since 9/11, our national life has changed forever. Surveillance is
the new normal.”
Let’s
start with summarizing the legal issue before that Supreme Court.
The
same law that immunized the telcos is before the justices. This time,
however, another section of the FISA
Amendments Act (.pdf)
is at issue. The act, subject to a challenge
by the American Civil Liberties Union and others,
authorizes the government to electronically eavesdrop on Americans’
phone calls and e-mails without a probable-cause warrant so long as
one of the parties to the communication is believed to be outside the
United States. Communications may be intercepted “to acquire
foreign intelligence information.”
There’s
more.
The
FISA Amendments Act generally requires the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act Court, a secret tribunal set up in the wake of
President Richard M. Nixon-era eavesdropping, to rubber-stamp
terror-related electronic surveillance requests. The government does
not have to identify the target or facility to be monitored. It can
begin surveillance a week before making the request, and the
surveillance can continue during the appeals process if, in a rare
case, the secret FISA court rejects the surveillance application.
Yet
none of these details are even before the Supreme Court.
Instead,
the fight is about something much simpler.
The
Obama administration argues that the ACLU and a host of other groups
don’t have the legal standing to even bring a challenge.
A
lower court agreed, ruling the ACLU, Amnesty International, Global
Fund for Women, Global Rights, Human Rights Watch, International
Criminal Defence Attorneys Association, The Nation magazine, PEN
American Center, Service Employees International Union and other
plaintiffs did not have standing to bring the case because they
could not demonstrate that they were subject to the eavesdropping.
The
groups appealed to
the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, arguing that they often work
with overseas dissidents who might be targets of the National
Security Agency program. Instead of speaking with those people on the
phone or through e-mails, the groups asserted that they have had to
make expensive overseas trips in a bid to maintain attorney-client
confidentiality. The plaintiffs, some of them journalists, also claim
the 2008 legislation chills their speech, and violates their Fourth
Amendment privacy rights.
Without
ruling on the merits of the case, the
appeals court agreed with the plaintiffs last
year that they have ample reason to fear the surveillance program,
and thus have legal standing to pursue their claim.
That’s
it.
That’s
what this case before the justices is all about, whether a lawsuit
can be brought at all. The courts are years away, if ever, of
entertaining the constitutional merits of the law in question. So the
spying will continue unabated no matter how the Supreme Court decides
Monday’s arguments.
The
government’s argument can be reduced to this scary proposition: You
can’t sue us for secretly spying on you because there’s no way
for you to prove it. Case closed.
Now
the thing is, the spying law expires at the end of the year, if
Congress fails to re-authorize it.
But
that’s not going to happen.
“It’s
conventional wisdom that they are going to re-authorize,” Alex
Abdo, an ACLU attorney who was before the justices Monday, said in a
telephone interview.
Sure,
Obama promised in 2008 to add oversight and privacy protections when
he ostensibly held his nose and voted for telecom immunity as an
Illinois senator.
But
now re-authorization, without any call for amendment, is the Obama
administration’s “top priority.” The House and
a Senate
committee (.pdf)
have approved competing bills that renew the spy powers for between 3
and 5 years.
But
on the Senate side, Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Oregon) has stepped in to stop
the bill because the government refuses to say how often the spy
powers are being used to spy on Americans. Wyden asked the Obama
administration a year ago for that information.
The
administration replied that it was “not reasonably possible to
identify the number of people located in the United States whose
communications may have been reviewed under the authority of the
FAA.”
Wyden
has barred the Senate from a routine vote using a little-used
legislative power — called a hold — to block lawmakers from
taking a procedural consent vote. Instead, he demands a floor debate
that can draw out the approval process indefinitely via the
filibuster.
But
not even Wyden’s opposition will prevent renewal of the
legislation.
A
Wyden spokeswoman has said the senator would be willing to agree to a
“short
term”
extension of the measure, instead of seeing the spy powers lapse, in
a bid to give lawmakers more time to reach a deal.
So
there you have it, the biggest opponent of the law is willing to
reauthorize it rather than see it sunset.
Now,
back to Monday’s case before the Supreme Court.
Even
if the justices side with the ACLU, that does not necessarily mean
the constitutionality of the FISA Amendments Act would be litigated —
ever.
The
lawsuit would return to New York federal court, where the Obama
administration likely would play its trump card: an assertion of the
powerful state secrets privilege that lets the executive branch
effectively kill lawsuits by claiming they threaten to expose
national security secrets.
The
courts tend to defer to such claims. But in a rare exception in 2008,
a San Francisco federal judge refused to throw out a wiretapping
lawsuit against AT&T under the state secrets privilege. The AT&T
lawsuit was later killed anyway. As I mentioned earlier, the FISA
Amendments Act also granted the phone companies retroactive legal
immunity for their alleged participation in the NSA spying program.
Indeed.
Big Brother is the new normal. The government
got caught secretly and illegally turning its powerful spy agency on
its own citizens —
and we let them then enshrine it into a law that can’t be
challenged in court.
Don’t
take my word, just ask two American attorneys for an Islamic group
called Al-Haramain. The government accidentally
sent them proof they’d been spied on —
it was ruled inadmissible. They then proved using open source info
that the government spied on them without warrants, and won
a small amount of money and lawyers fees.
An appeals court then tossed that verdict, saying that the
wiretapping law as designed by Congress doesn’t
actually let citizens sue the government for damages for violating
the law.
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