Netanyahu: A War on Iran Would Be Good for Arabs
War
on Iran would destabilize the region, harming the interests of Arab
regimes and worsening the lot of Arab populations
30
October, 2012
Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Tuesday tried to convince Arab
states that an Israeli military strike on Iran would
benefit their interests and
that “a feeling of relief would spread across the region”
immediately following an attack.
After failing to
pressure the Obama administration to back a preventive Israeli strike
on Iran before the US presidential elections, Netanyahu has continued
to make veiled threats of war catered for different audiences.
In
an interview with a French magazine, Netanyahu pushed back
against the claim that an Israeli strike on Iran would destabilize
the region and worsen tensions.
“Five
minutes after, contrary to what the skeptics say, I think a feeling
of relief would spread across the region,” he said.
“Iran
is not popular in the Arab world, far from it, and some governments
in the region, as well as their citizens, have understood that a
nuclear armed Iran would be dangerous for them, not just for Israel,”
he said.
But
experts generally agree that such an attack would spark a regional
war, embolden Iran, and in fact motivate Tehran to build a nuclear
weapon, a decision they have not yet made and one that Netanyahu is
right to say Arab governments don’t want.
As a
recent report by
former government officials, national security experts and retired
military officers concluded last month, the Iranian nuclear program
is too redundant for a surgical strike – probably all Israel is
capable of – to delay the program for any considerable length of
time.
The
report also concluded that an attack would prompt a large-scale
Iranian retaliation that would spark
an uncontrollable regional war,
and this would be severely destabilizing for Arab governments,
contrary to Netanyahu’s pandering.
Importantly,
the report also warned the attack would increase Iran’s
motivation to build a bomb, in order to deter further military action
and that ”achieving more than a temporary setback in Iran’s
nuclear program would require a military operation – including a
land occupation – more taxing than the Iraq and Afghanistan wars
combined.”
Netanyahu’s
claim that a war on Iran would be good for Arabs is based on the
tensions the Arab dictatorships in the Middle East have with the
government of Iran. Those tensions come from incompatible competing
national interests, and do not reflect how the actual Arab population
feels about an Israeli strike. That is something Netanyahu ignores
completely
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Israel
says Iran has pulled
back from the brink of
nuclear weapon - for now
Iran
has drawn back from its ambition to build a nuclear weapon but the
respite is only temporary and Tehran will still have to be confronted
by next summer, Ehud Barak, the Israeli defence minister, said on
Tuesday.
30
October, 2012
An
immediate crisis was avoided in the summer when Iran quietly chose to
use over a third of its medium-enriched uranium for civilian
purposes, delaying the moment when it could have built a nuclear
bomb. Without this decision, Mr Barak told The Daily Telegraph, the
situation would “probably” have peaked before the US presidential
election.
In
the event, Iran delayed the “moment of truth” by “eight to 10
months”, but Mr Barak predicted that sanctions and diplomacy would
still fail to resolve the stand-off. If so, he said that Israel and
its allies would probably face the decision over whether to strike
Iran’s nuclear facilities in 2013.
Israel
reserved the right to act alone, added Mr Barak, who stated bluntly
that any “operation against Iran” would be less dangerous “now”
than when the country had crossed the nuclear threshold.
Mr
Barak, the most decorated soldier in Israeli history, became defence
minister five years ago with one driving preoccupation. His central
task – indeed what he views as his historic responsibility – is
to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran from threatening Israel and casting a
shadow over the world.
With
every passing month, Mr Barak believes that Iran is progressing
steadily towards its goal. In his London hotel room, the minister
laid out how, on his watch, Tehran’s stockpile of enriched uranium
had grown from 850kg to 6.8 tons.
His
gnawing concern is that Tehran will fortify its nuclear plants,
particularly the enrichment facility dug into a mountainside at
Fordow, to the point where they become invulnerable to the striking
power of Israel’s air force. If Iran reaches this “zone of
immunity”, Israel would lose its ability to deal independently with
a crucial threat, forcing the country to trust the rest of the world
and break the principle of self-reliance that underlies its very
foundation.
Earlier
this year, however, Iran delayed the arrival of that moment. Tehran
has amassed 189kg of uranium enriched to 20 per cent purity, a vital
step towards weapons-grade material. In August, the country’s
experts took 38 per cent of this stockpile and converted it into fuel
rods for a civilian research reactor, thus putting off the moment
when they would be able to make uranium of sufficient purity for a
nuclear bomb.
Mr
Barak said this decision “allows contemplating delaying the moment
of truth by eight to 10 months”. As for why Iran had drawn back,
the minister said: “There could be at least three explanations. One
is the public discourse about a possible Israeli or American
operation deterred them from trying to come closer. It could probably
be a diplomatic gambit that they have launched in order to avoid this
issue culminating before the American election, just to gain some
time. It could be a way of telling the IAEA [International Atomic
Energy Agency] 'oh we comply with our commitments’.”
Mr
Barak added: “Maybe it’s a combination of all these three
elements. I cannot tell you for sure.”
But
this decision had probably avoided a crisis. Asked whether the
critical moment would otherwise have arrived “about now”, Mr
Barak replied simply: “Probably yes.”
Yet
the minister stressed how Iran’s move was not a genuine change of
heart. The fuel rods could be converted back into medium-enriched
uranium, although this would take months and waste much of the
material. In any event, Iran is now using 9,852 centrifuges to enrich
uranium, according to the IAEA, so its stockpile is being
replenished.
Mr
Barak insisted that Iran was still resolved to build nuclear weapons,
predicting that success would trigger an arms race in the Middle East
and “make any non-proliferation regime impossible.Saudi Arabia will
turn nuclear within weeks – according to them. Turkey will turn
nuclear in several years. The new Egypt will have to follow”.The
world would start the “countdown” to the “nightmare” of
“nuclear material ending up in the hands of terrorist groups”.
Because
the possible consequences were so terrible, Mr Barak said that
America and Europe shared Israel’s analysis. “We all agree that
the Iranians are determined to turn into a military nuclear power and
we all share the declaration that we are determined to prevent Iran
from turning nuclear and all options are on the table,” said Mr
Barak. “We mean it – we expect others to mean it as well. So it’s
not something just about us. But we, for obvious reasons, see the
Iranian threat in much more concrete terms.”
In
the final analysis, Mr Barak insisted that Israel would decide for
itself whether to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities. “When it
comes to the very core of our security interests and, in a way, the
future of Israel, we cannot delegate the responsibility for making
decisions even into the hands of our most trusted and trustworthy
ally,” he said. “It doesn’t mean that we would be sorry if the
Iranians come to the conclusion on their own. The opposite is true.
But, if no one acts, we will have to contemplate action.”
He
added: “Basically, it’s about the question of when they come into
this zone of immunity, where no Israeli surgical attack, probably
somewhat later not even an American surgical attack, can delay them
significantly. That’s the issue that bothers us.”
As
for when Iran will reach the “zone of immunity”, depriving Israel
of its military option, Mr Barak forecast this would probably happen
“next spring or early summer”.
Mr
Barak acknowledged that the sanctions on Iran were “unprecedented
in scale and depth”, but he still predicted their failure. “To
tell you the truth, out of long experience of the Middle East, I am
extremely sceptical about the chances that it will lead the
ayatollahs to sit together at any point in the foreseeable future and
decide to give up their intention to go in the footsteps of Pakistan
and North Korea and turn into a military nuclear power,” he said.
“They
think of themselves as a major regional power from the dawn of
history and they are determined not to fall into the trap that, in
their mind, in their judgment, the late Gaddafi fell into.”
The
costs and risks of a preventive war would only mount, so the option
of acting “now” must be retained, he stressed. “It’s not a
minor decision to contemplate an operation against Iran, but however
complicated, dangerous – it probably carries some unintended
consequences – an operation against Iran could be now – think of
what it means to try it when Iran is already nuclear, several years
down the stream,” he said.
“It
would be much more complicated, much more dangerous and – with
far-reaching, unintended potential consequences – much more costly
in terms of human lives.”
Mr
Barak offered a message of cold realism. “Don’t misread me,” he
said. “We would love to wake up one morning and learn, against my
expectations, that the ayatollahs gave it up. I don’t believe it
will happen.”
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