Pentagon
Is Ordered to Expand Potential Targets in Syria With a Focus on
Forces
5
September, 2013
President
Obama has directed the Pentagon to develop an expanded list of
potential targets in Syria in response to intelligence suggesting
that the government of President Bashar al-Assad has been moving
troops and equipment used to employ chemical weapons while Congress
debates whether to authorize military action.
Mr.
Obama, officials said, is now determined to put more emphasis on the
“degrade” part of what the administration has said is the goal of
a military strike against Syria — to “deter and degrade” Mr.
Assad’s ability to use chemical weapons. That means expanding
beyond the 50 or so major sites that were part of the original target
list developed with French forces before Mr. Obama delayed action on
Saturday to seek Congressional approval of his plan.
For
the first time, the administration is talking about using American
and French aircraft to conduct strikes on specific targets, in
addition to ship-launched Tomahawk cruise missiles. There is a
renewed push to get other NATO forces involved.
The
strikes would be aimed not at the chemical stockpiles themselves —
risking a potential catastrophe — but rather the military units
that have stored and prepared the chemical weapons and carried the
attacks against Syrian rebels, as well as the headquarters overseeing
the effort, and the rockets and artillery that have launched the
attacks, military officials said Thursday.
Gen.
Martin E. Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has
said that other targets would include equipment that Syria uses to
protect the chemicals — air defenses, long-range missiles and
rockets, which can also deliver the weapons.
Mr.
Obama’s instructions come as most members of Congress who are even
willing to consider voting in favor of a military response to a
chemical attack are insisting on strict limits on the duration and
type of the strikes carried out by the United States, while a small
number of Republicans are telling the White House that the current
plans are not muscular enough to destabilize the Assad government.
Senior
officials are aware of the competing imperatives they now confront —
that to win even the fight on Capitol Hill, they will have to accept
restrictions on the military response, and in order to make the
strike meaningful they must expand its scope.
“They
are being pulled in two different directions,” a senior foreign
official involved in the discussions said Thursday. “The worst
outcome would be to come out of this bruising battle with Congress
and conduct a military action that made little difference.”
Officials
cautioned that the options for an increased American strike would
still be limited — “think incremental increase, not exponential,”
said one official — but would be intended to inflict significant
damage on the Syrian military.
It
was a measure of the White House’s concern about obtaining
Congressional approval that Mr. Obama canceled a planned trip to Los
Angeles next week, where he was scheduled to speak to the
A.F.L.-C.I.O. and hold a fund-raiser. One senior official said Mr.
Obama would get far more involved in direct lobbying for a military
authorization, and there is talk inside the administration about a
formal address to the nation.
In
endorsing a strike on Wednesday, the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee made some modifications to the resolution proposed by the
White House, and other versions are also being circulated. The latest
is from Senator Joe Manchin III, a conservative Democrat from West
Virginia who proposes giving Mr. Assad 45 days to sign the Chemical
Weapons Convention and begin securing and ridding the country of its
weapons stockpiles. Only if Mr. Assad refuses would the president be
authorized to take military action.
“We
need some options out there that does something about the chemical
weapons,” Mr. Manchin said. “That’s what’s missing right
now.”
The
concept is already being debated by some government officials and
foreign diplomats, though the White House has not weighed in.
For
now, White House officials insist that they are slowly gaining ground
in lining up support, though the evidence is slim. “We’re very
pleased with the trend lines,” said Benjamin J. Rhodes, the
president’s deputy national security adviser. “I think each day
what you’ve seen is different members coming out on a bipartisan
basis to support an authorization to use military force.”
He
noted Wednesday’s Senate committee vote and the endorsements from a
range of senators, including from John McCain, Republican of Arizona,
and the liberal Democrat Barbara Boxer of California. “What we’re
seeing each day is an increasing number of members who are convinced
that a military response is necessary,” Mr. Rhodes said. “But
we’re going to continue to make the case to members.”
Privately,
some members of the Obama administration appear concerned that
General Dempsey’s presentations to Congress — particularly his
repeated assertions that any American intervention in Syria is
unlikely to have a decisive effect on the civil war — are
undercutting the administration’s argument that the attacks, while
targeted, would also change Mr. Assad’s calculus.
So
as the target list expands, the administration is creeping closer to
carrying out military action that also could help tip the balance on
the ground, even as the administration argues that that is not the
primary intent.
The
bulk of the American attack is still expected to be carried out by
cruise missiles from some or all of the four Arleigh Burke-class
destroyers within striking range of Syria in the eastern
Mediterranean. Each ship carries about three dozen Tomahawk cruise
missiles, a low-flying, highly accurate weapon that can be launched
from safe distances of up to about 1,000 miles.
But
military planners are now preparing options to include attacks from
Air Force bombers, a development reported Thursday by The Wall Street
Journal. The Pentagon was initially planning to rely solely on cruise
missiles.
Bombers
could carry scores more munitions, potentially permitting the United
States to carry out more strikes if the first wave does not destroy
the targets.
Among
the options available are B-52 bombers, which can carry air-launched
cruise missiles; B-1s that are based in Qatar and carry long-range,
air-to-surface missiles; and B-2 stealth bombers, which are based in
Missouri and carry satellite-guided bombs.
The
Navy in recent days has moved the aircraft carrier Nimitz into the
Red Sea, within striking distance of Syria.
But
Defense Department officials said Thursday that the Nimitz, and its
squadrons of F-18 Super Hornet attack planes, as well as three
missile-toting destroyers in its battle group, are not likely to join
any attack unless Syria launches major retaliatory strikes.
Defense
Secretary Chuck Hagel told lawmakers on Wednesday that an American
operation would cost “in the tens of millions of dollars,” the
first time any administration official has put even a rough price tag
on the possible strike.
Mr.
Assad has openly mocked the United States for delaying any military
action, and has seized on the pause to move military equipment,
troops and documents to civilian neighborhoods, presumably daring Mr.
Obama to order strikes that could kill large number of civilians.
“The
additional time gives Assad the potential advantage of complicating
U.S. targeting by surreptitiously moving people or even chemical
munitions into them, aiming to create casualties or chemical release
as a direct result of U.S. attacks,” said David A. Deptula, a
retired three-star Air Force general who planned the American air
campaigns in 2001 in Afghanistan and in the 1991 Persian Gulf war.
But
General Dempsey told lawmakers on Wednesday that American spy
agencies are “keeping up with that movement,” which he said also
included prisoners, potentially to be used as human shields, and that
all necessary steps would be taken to minimize civilian casualties.
The
Pentagon is also planning contingencies to counter or respond to any
retaliatory attacks by Mr. Assad’s forces. General Dempsey said the
Syrian leader could lob long-range rockets against his neighbors;
encourage surrogates and proxies, like Hezbollah, to assault American
embassies; or carry out a cyberattack against the United States or
American interests.
“We
are alert to all of the possibilities and are mitigating strategies
in the way we’ve positioned ourselves in the region,” General
Dempsey said.
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