Not
From the Onion: Army Says ‘Social Network’ Use Is a Sign of
Radicalism
2
October, 2012
These
are some warning signs that that you have turned into a terrorist who
will soon kill your co-workers, according to the U.S. military.
You’ve recently changed your “choices in entertainment.” You
have “peculiar discussions.” You “complain about bias,”
you’re “socially withdrawn” and you’re frustrated with
“mainstream ideologies.” Your “Risk Factors for Radicalization”
include “Social Networks” and “Youth.”
These
are some other signs
that one of your co-workers has become a terrorist, according to the
U.S. military. He “shows a sudden shift from radical to ‘normal’
behavior to conceal radical behavior.” He “inquires about weapons
of mass effects.” He “stores or collects mass weapons or
hazardous materials.”
That
was the assessment of a terrorism advisory organization inside the
U.S. Army called the Asymmetric Warfare Group in 2011, acquired
by Danger Room.
Its concern about the warning signs of internal radicalization
reflects how urgent the Army considers that threat after Maj. Nidal
Malik Hasan shot and killed 13 people at Ford
Hood in 2009.
But its “indicators” of radicalization are vague enough to
include both benign behaviors that lots of people safely exhibit and,
on the other end of the spectrum, signs that someone is so obviously
a terrorist they shouldn’t need to be pointed out. It’s hard to
tell if the group is being politically correct or euphemistic.
Around
the same time, the Asymmetric Warfare Group tried to understand a
related problem that now threatens to undermine the U.S. war in
Afghanistan: “insider threats” from Afghan troops who kill
their U.S. mentors.
In another chart, also
acquired by Danger Room,
an Afghan soldier or policeman ready to snap could be someone who
“appears frustrated with partnered nations”; reads “questionable
reading materials”; or who has “strange habits.” Admittedly,
the U.S. military command isn’t
sure what’s causing the insider attacks,
but it’ll be difficult for an American soldier who doesn’t speak
Pashto or Dari to identify “strange habits” among people from an
unfamiliar culture.
The
Asymmetric Warfare Group didn’t purport to identify every factor
leading to insider threats, from either Americans or Afghans, and
cautions against using its assessments as “checklists.” But it
takes a broad view of both the causes of radicalization and what
might make someone at risk for it.
Among
Afghans, “Cultural Misunderstandings,” “Civilian Casualties,”
“Global Events” or “Political Speeches or Upheaval” are
listed as potential causes of “Grievance-Based Action.” All of
which seems intuitive, but it doesn’t help a commander, who may be
preoccupied with the daily rigors of warfighting, from
identifying which Afghans
represent looming threats. The “observable” indicators of those
threats run the gamut from an “abrupt behavioral shift” to
“intense ideological rhetoric” to blinking red lights that
shouldn’t have to be pointed out to people, like “mak[ing]
threatening gestures or verbal threats.”
American
behavior is easier for Americans to understand, but the Asymmetric
Warfare Group’s list of red flags from American troops is also
problematic outside context. Someone who “takes suspicious or
unreported travel (inside or outside the United States)” could be
linking up with a terrorist group. Or he could be hooking
up with a lover,
or a going on a road trip with friends, or anything else. Yet that’s
an example of “Actions conducted by the subject that would indicate
violent or terroristic planning activities that warrant
investigation.” The unreported aspect
of the travel might be its most blatantly problematic feature.
Similarly,
some of the “Risk Factors for Radicalization” identified here
apply equally to Normal Soldier and Ticking Time Bomb. Among them:
“Youth,” which might be a difficult thing to mitigate against,
unless the military wants to take former Pentagon official Rosa
Brooks’ unorthodox
recruitment advice.
“Social Networks” is another, and it’s probably alarmingly
coterminous with Youth. Still others: “Emotional Vulnerability,”
“Personal Connection to a Grievance” and “Conflict at Work or
at Home.”
To
be fair to the Group, the bonds within a military unit can make it
difficult to be alert to sketchy behavior, let alone the chain of
command to it. And that disinclination to report something isn’t
limited to the military: The FBI didn’t act on Hasan, even when he
e-mailed the radical cleric Anwar al-Awlaki seeking
advice on the legitimacy of murdering Americans.
The Group repeatedly underscores the need to “notify the chain of
command” about suspicious behavior, even about behavior as
potentially benign as “chang[ing] type of off-duty clothing.” A
“single reportable indicator is enough to report,” it cautions,
listing internal Army websites and phone hotlines to report a
suspected Hasan 2.0.
If
underreporting suspicious behavior is a problem within the U.S.
military, soldiers and Marines in Afghanistan probably won’t have a
problem reporting their suspicious about Afghans now that over
50 U.S. and allied troops have been killed by their Afghan
counterparts this
year. Marine Gen. John Allen, the commander of NATO forces in
Afghanistan, told 60
Minutes on
Sunday that he’s “mad as hell” at the attacks, and while his
troops are willing to sacrifice for the war, “we’re
not willing to be murdered for it.”
Woe to Afghans deemed “reclusive” or engaging in “peculiar
discussions” in the eyes of troops who don’t share their culture.


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