A
Plea for Caution From Russia
What
Putin Has to Say to Americans About Syria
11
September, 2013
MOSCOW
— RECENT events surrounding Syria have prompted me to speak
directly to the American people and their political leaders. It is
important to do so at a time of insufficient communication between
our societies.
Relations
between us have passed through different stages. We stood against
each other during the cold war. But we were also allies once, and
defeated the Nazis together. The universal international organization
— the United Nations — was then established to prevent such
devastation from ever happening again.
The
United Nations’ founders understood that decisions affecting war
and peace should happen only by consensus, and with America’s
consent the veto by Security Council permanent members was enshrined
in the United Nations Charter. The profound wisdom of this has
underpinned the stability of international relations for decades.
No
one wants the United Nations to suffer the fate of the League of
Nations, which collapsed because it lacked real leverage. This is
possible if influential countries bypass the United Nations and take
military action without Security Council authorization.
The
potential strike by the United States against Syria, despite strong
opposition from many countries and major political and religious
leaders, including the pope, will result in more innocent victims and
escalation, potentially spreading the conflict far beyond Syria’s
borders. A strike would increase violence and unleash a new wave of
terrorism. It could undermine multilateral efforts to resolve the
Iranian nuclear problem and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and
further destabilize the Middle East and North Africa. It could throw
the entire system of international law and order out of balance.
Syria
is not witnessing a battle for democracy, but an armed conflict
between government and opposition in a multireligious country. There
are few champions of democracy in Syria. But there are more than
enough Qaeda fighters and extremists of all stripes battling the
government. The United States State Department has designated Al
Nusra Front and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, fighting
with the opposition, as terrorist organizations. This internal
conflict, fueled by foreign weapons supplied to the opposition, is
one of the bloodiest in the world.
Mercenaries
from Arab countries fighting there, and hundreds of militants from
Western countries and even Russia, are an issue of our deep concern.
Might they not return to our countries with experience acquired in
Syria? After all, after fighting in Libya, extremists moved on to
Mali. This threatens us all.
From
the outset, Russia has advocated peaceful dialogue enabling Syrians
to develop a compromise plan for their own future. We are not
protecting the Syrian government, but international law. We need to
use the United Nations Security Council and believe that preserving
law and order in today’s complex and turbulent world is one of the
few ways to keep international relations from sliding into chaos. The
law is still the law, and we must follow it whether we like it or
not. Under current international law, force is permitted only in
self-defense or by the decision of the Security Council. Anything
else is unacceptable under the United Nations Charter and would
constitute an act of aggression.
No
one doubts that poison gas was used in Syria. But there is every
reason to believe it was used not by the Syrian Army, but by
opposition forces, to provoke intervention by their powerful foreign
patrons, who would be siding with the fundamentalists. Reports that
militants are preparing another attack — this time against Israel —
cannot be ignored.
It
is alarming that military intervention in internal conflicts in
foreign countries has become commonplace for the United States. Is it
in America’s long-term interest? I doubt it. Millions around the
world increasingly see America not as a model of democracy but as
relying solely on brute force, cobbling coalitions together under the
slogan “you’re either with us or against us.”
But
force has proved ineffective and pointless. Afghanistan is reeling,
and no one can say what will happen after international forces
withdraw. Libya is divided into tribes and clans. In Iraq the civil
war continues, with dozens killed each day. In the United States,
many draw an analogy between Iraq and Syria, and ask why their
government would want to repeat recent mistakes.
No
matter how targeted the strikes or how sophisticated the weapons,
civilian casualties are inevitable, including the elderly and
children, whom the strikes are meant to protect.
The
world reacts by asking: if you cannot count on international law,
then you must find other ways to ensure your security. Thus a growing
number of countries seek to acquire weapons of mass destruction. This
is logical: if you have the bomb, no one will touch you. We are left
with talk of the need to strengthen nonproliferation, when in reality
this is being eroded.
We
must stop using the language of force and return to the path of
civilized diplomatic and political settlement.
A
new opportunity to avoid military action has emerged in the past few
days. The United States, Russia and all members of the international
community must take advantage of the Syrian government’s
willingness to place its chemical arsenal under international control
for subsequent destruction. Judging by the statements of President
Obama, the United States sees this as an alternative to military
action.
I
welcome the president’s interest in continuing the dialogue with
Russia on Syria. We must work together to keep this hope alive, as we
agreed to at the Group of 8 meeting in Lough Erne in Northern Ireland
in June, and steer the discussion back toward negotiations.
If
we can avoid force against Syria, this will improve the atmosphere in
international affairs and strengthen mutual trust. It will be our
shared success and open the door to cooperation on other critical
issues.
My
working and personal relationship with President Obama is marked by
growing trust. I appreciate this. I carefully studied his address to
the nation on Tuesday. And I would rather disagree with a case he
made on American exceptionalism, stating that the United States’
policy is “what makes America different. It’s what makes us
exceptional.” It is extremely dangerous to encourage people to see
themselves as exceptional, whatever the motivation. There are big
countries and small countries, rich and poor, those with long
democratic traditions and those still finding their way to democracy.
Their policies differ, too. We are all different, but when we ask for
the Lord’s blessings, we must not forget that God created us equal.
Vladimir
V. Putin is the president of Russia.
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