Putin
and Xi top the G6+1
Pepe Escobar
10
June, 2018
East
vs. West: the contrast between the “dueling summits” this weekend
was something for the history books.
All
hell broke loose at the G6+1, otherwise known as G7, in La Malbaie,
Canada, while all focused on divine Eurasian integration at the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in China’s Qingdao in
Shandong, the home province of Confucius.
US
President Donald Trump was the predictable star of the show in
Canada. He came late. He left early. He skipped a working breakfast.
He disagreed with everybody. He issued a “free trade proclamation”,
as in no barriers and tariffs whatsoever, everywhere, after imposing
steel and aluminum tariffs on Europe and Canada. He proposed that
Russia should be back at the G8 (Putin said he has other priorities).
He signed the final communiqué and then he didn’t.
Trump’s
“I don’t give a damn” attitude drove the European leaders
assembled in Canada crazy. After the official photo shoot, the US
president grabbed the arm of new Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe
Conte and said, in ecstasy, “You’ve had a great electoral
victory!”
The
Euros were not pleased and forced Conte to abide by the official EU,
as in German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s, policy: no G8 readmission
to Russia as long as Moscow does not respect the Minsk agreements. In
fact it is Ukraine that is not respecting the Minsk agreements; Trump
and Conte are fully aligned on Russia.
Merkel,
in extremis, proposed a “shared evaluation mechanism”, lasting
roughly two weeks, to try to defuse rising trade tensions. Yet the
Trump administration does not seem to be interested.
“Strategic”
game-changer
Meanwhile,
over in Qingdao, the stunning takeaway was offered predictably by
Chinese President Xi Jinping; “President Putin and I both think
that the China-Russia comprehensive strategic partnership is mature,
firm and stable.”
This
is a massive game-changer because officially, so far, this was a
“comprehensive partnership.” It’s the first time on record that
Xi has put the stress on “strategic”. Again, in his own words:
“It is the highest-level, most profound and strategically most
significant relationship between major countries in the world.”
And
if that was not far-reaching enough, it’s also personal. Xi,
referring to Putin and perhaps channeling Trump’s bonhomie with
leaders he likes, said, “He is my best, most intimate friend.”
Heavy
business, as usual, was in order. The Chinese partnered with Russian
nuclear energy giant Rosatom to get advanced nuclear technologies and
diversify nuclear power contracts beyond its current Western
suppliers. That’s the “strategic” energy alliance component of
the partnership.
In
a trilateral Russia-China-Mongolia meeting, they all vowed to go full
steam ahead with the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor – one
of the key planks of the New Silk Roads, known as the Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI).
Mongolia
once again volunteered to become a transit hub for Russian gas to
China, diversifying from Gazprom’s current direct pipelines from
Blagoveshchensk, Vladivostok and Altai. According to Putin, the
Eastern Route pipeline remains on schedule, as does the US$27 billion
liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant in Yamal being financed by Russian
and Chinese companies.
On
the Arctic, Putin and Xi went all the way for developing the Northern
Sea Route, including crucial modernization of deep-water ports such
as Murmansk and Arkhangelsk, and investment in infrastructure. The
added geopolitical cachet is self-evident.
Putin
had said last week that annual trade between Moscow and Beijing will
soon reach US$100 billion. Currently, it stands at US$86 billion. Now
Russian businesses venture the possibility of reaching US$200 billion
by 2020 as feasible.
All
this frenzy of activity is now openly described by Putin as the
interconnectivity of BRI and the Russia-led Eurasia Economic Union
(EAEU). Not to mention that the SCO itself interconnects with both
BRI and the EAEU.
Putin
told Chinese TV channel CGTN that though the SCO began as a
“low-profile organization” [back in 2001] that sought merely to
“solve border issues” between China, Russia and former Soviet
countries, it is now evolving into a much bigger global force.
In
parallel, according to Yu Jianlong, secretary general of the China
Chamber of International Commerce, the SCO has now gathered extra
collective strength to harness BRI expansion to increase business
across Europe, the Middle East and Africa.
So
it’s no wonder companies from SCO nations are now being
“encouraged” to use their own currencies to seal deals, bypassing
the US dollar, as well as building e-commerce platforms,
Alibaba-style. So far, Beijing has invested US$84 billion in other
SCO members, mostly in energy, minerals, transportation (including,
for instance, the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan highway), construction
and manufacturing.
Putin
also met with Iranian President Hassan Rouhani on the sidelines of
the SCO and vowed in no uncertain terms to preserve the Iranian
nuclear deal, known as the JCPOA.
Iran
is a current SCO observer nation. Putin once again reaffirmed he
wants Tehran as a full member. The SCO charter determines that “a
dialogue partner status can be granted to a country that shares the
goals and principles of the SCO and wants to establish relations
based on equal and mutually profitable relationship.”
Iran,
as an observer, fulfills the commitment. The spanner in the works
happens to be tiny Tajikistan.
Enter
the trademark convoluted internal politics of the Central Asian
stans, in this case revolving around Tajik president Emomali Rahmon
accepting Saudi Arabia’s acquisition of a 51% stake in Tajikistan’s
largest bank. Nobody else wanted it; Riyadh was just buying
influence.
All
SCO full members must be approved unanimously. Still, that won’t
prevent larger economic integration between Iran, Russia and China.
The talk in the SCO corridors was that Chinese companies expect an
extra bonanza in the Iranian market after the unilateral Trump
pullout of the JCPOA.
Behind
closed doors, as diplomats told Asia Times, the SCO also discussed
the crucial plan devised by the SCO-Afghanistan Contact Group, an
Asia-wide peace process with Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran and
Afghanistan trying to finally solve the decades-long tragedy without
Western interference.
So
what about a G3?
The
“dueling summits” clearly set the scene. The G7 meeting at La
Malbaie represented the dysfunctional old order, dilacerated by
largely self-inflicted chaos and its apoplexy at the Rise of the East
– from the integration of BRI, EAEU, SCO and BRICS, to the
yuan-based gold-backed oil futures market.
In
contrast to the G7’s full spectrum dominance doctrine of total
military superiority, Qingdao represented the new groove. Implacably
derided by the old order as autocratic and filled with “democraships”
bent on “aggression”, in fact it was a graphic illustration of
multi-polarity at work, the intersection of four great civilizations,
an Eurasian Café debating that another, non-War Party conducted
future is possible.
In
parallel, diplomats in Brussels confirmed to Asia Times there are
insistent rumbles about Trump possibly dreaming of a G3 composed of
just US, Russia and China. Trump, after all, personally admires the
leadership qualities of both Putin and Xi, while deriding the
Kafkaesque EU bureaucratic maze and its weaklings, currently
represented by the M3 (Merkel, Macron, May).
In
Europe, no one seems to be listening to informed advice, such as
provided by Belgian economist Paul de Grauwe, who’s pleading for
Frankfurt and Berlin to manage a common debt, without which the EU
won’t survive the sovereign crises of individual members.
Trump,
for all his dizzying inconsistencies, seems to have understood that
the G7 is a Walking Dead, and the heart of the action revolves around
China, Russia and India, which not by accident form the hard node of
BRICS.
The
problem is the US national security strategy, as well as the national
defense strategy, advocate no less than Cold War 2.0 against both
China and Russia all across Eurasia. All bets are off, however, on
who blinks first.
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