Profiting
From Human Misery
Chris
Hedges
17
February, 2013
Marela,
an undocumented immigrant in her 40s, stood outside the Elizabeth
Detention Center in Elizabeth, N.J., on a chilly afternoon last week.
She was there with a group of protesters who appear at the facility’s
gates every year on Ash Wednesday to decry the nation’s immigration
policy and conditions inside the center. She was there, she said,
because of her friend Evelyn Obey.
Obey,
40, a Guatemalan and the single mother of a 12-year-old and a
6-year-old, was picked up in an immigration raid as she and nine
other undocumented workers walked out of an office building they
cleaned in Newark, N.J. Her two children instantly lost their only
parent. She languished in detention. Another family took in the
children, who never saw their mother again. Obey died in jail in 2010
from, according to the sign Villar had hung on her neck, “pulmonary
thromboembolism, chronic bronchiolitis and emphysema and remote
cardiac Ischemic Damage.’ ”
“She
called me two days after she was seized,” Marela told me in
Spanish. “She was hysterical. She was crying. She was worried about
her children. We could not visit her because we do not have legal
documents. We helped her get a lawyer. Then we heard she was sick.
Then we heard she died. She was buried in an unmarked grave. We did
not go to her burial. We were too scared of being seized and
detained.”
The
rally—about four dozen people, most from immigrant rights groups
and local churches—was a flicker of consciousness in a nation that
has yet to fully confront the totalitarian corporate forces arrayed
against it. Several protesters in orange jumpsuits like those worn by
inmates held signs reading: “I Want My Family Together,” “No
Human Being is Illegal,” and “Education not Deportation.”
“The
people who run that prison make money off of human misery,” said
Diana Mejia, 47, an immigrant from Colombia who now has legal status,
gesturing toward the old warehouse that now serves as the detention
facility. As she spoke, a Catholic
Worker
band called the Filthy Rotten System belted out a protest song. A
low-flying passenger jet, its red, green and white underbelly lights
blinking in the night sky, rumbled overhead. Clergy walking amid the
crowd marked the foreheads of participants with ashes to commemorate
Ash Wednesday.
“Repentance
is more than merely being sorry,” the Rev. Joyce Antila Phipps, the
executive director of Casa
de Esperanza,
a community organization working with immigrants, told the gathering.
“It is an act of turning around and then moving forward to make
change.”
The
majority of those we incarcerate in this country—and we incarcerate
a quarter of the world’s prison population—have never committed a
violent crime. Eleven million undocumented immigrants face the
possibility of imprisonment and deportation. President Barack Obama,
outpacing George W. Bush, has deported more than 400,000 people since
he took office. Families, once someone is seized, detained and
deported, are thrown into crisis. Children come home from school and
find they have lost their mothers or fathers. The small incomes that
once sustained them are snuffed out. Those who remain behind often
become destitute.
But
human beings matter little in the corporate state. We myopically
serve the rapacious appetites of those dedicated to exploitation and
maximizing profit. And our corporate masters view prisons—as they
do education, health care and war—as a business. The 320-bed
Elizabeth Detention Center, which houses only men, is run by one of
the largest operators and owners of for-profit prisons in the
country, Corrections Corporation of America. CCA, traded on the New
York Stock Exchange, has annual revenues in excess of $1.7 billion.
An average of 81,384 inmates are in its facilities on any one day.
This is a greater number, the American Civil Liberties Union points
out in a
2011 report,
“Banking on Bondage: Private Prisons and Mass Incarceration,”
than that held by the states of New York and New Jersey combined.
The
for-profit prisons and their lobbyists in Washington and state
capitals have successfully blocked immigration reform, have prevented
a challenge to our draconian drug laws and are pushing through
tougher detention policies. Locking up more and more human beings is
the bedrock of the industry’s profits. These corporations are the
engines behind the explosion of our prison system. They are the
reason we have spent $300 billion on new prisons since 1980. They are
also the reason serious reform is impossible.
The
United States, from 1970 to 2005, increased its prison population by
about 700 percent, according to statistics gathered by the ACLU. The
federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, the ACLU report notes, says
that for-profit companies presently control about 18 percent of
federal prisoners and 6.7 percent of all state prisoners. Private
prisons account for nearly all of the new prisons built between 2000
and 2005. And nearly half of all immigrants detained by the federal
government are shipped to for-profit prisons, according to Detention
Watch Network.
U.S.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which imprisons about
400,000 undocumented people a year, has an annual budget of more than
$5 billion. ICE is planning to expand its operations by establishing
several mega-detention centers, most run by private corporations, in
states such as New Jersey, Texas, Florida, California and Illinois.
Many of these private contractors are, not surprisingly, large
campaign donors to “law and order” politicians including New
Jersey Gov. Chris Christie.
In
CCA’s annual report to the Securities and Exchange Commission for
2011, cited by the ACLU, the prison company bluntly states its
opposition to prison reform. “The demand for our facilities and
services could be adversely affected by the relaxation of enforcement
efforts, leniency in conviction or parole standards and sentencing
practices or through the decriminalization of certain activities that
are currently proscribed by criminal laws,” it declares. CCA goes
on to warn that “any changes with respect to drugs and controlled
substances or illegal immigration” could “potentially [reduce]
demand for correctional facilities,” as would “mak[ing] more
inmates eligible for early release based on good behavior,” the
adoption of “sentencing alternatives [that] … could put some
offenders on probation” and “reductions in crime rates.”
CCA
in 2011 gave $710,300 in political contributions to candidates for
federal or state office, political parties and 527 groups (PACs and
super PACs), the ACLU reported. The corporation also spent $1.07
million lobbying federal officials along with undisclosed funds to
lobby state officials, according to the ACLU. CCA, through the
American
Legislative Exchange Council
(ALEC), lobbies legislators to impose harsher detention laws at the
state and federal levels. The ALEC helped draft Arizona’s draconian
anti-immigrant law SB 1070.
A
March 2012 CCA investor
presentation prospectus,
quoted by the ACLU, tells potential investors that incarceration
“creates predictable revenue streams.” The document cites
demographic trends that the company says will continue to expand
profits. These positive investment trends include, the prospectus
reads, “high recidivism”—“about 45 percent of individuals
released from prison in 1999 and more than 43 percent released from
prison in 2004 were returned to prison within three years.” The
prospectus invites investments by noting that one in every 100 U.S.
adults is currently in prison or jail. And because the U.S.
population is projected to grow by approximately 18.6 million from
2012 to 2017, “prison populations would grow by about 80,400
between 2012 and 2017, or by more than 13,000 additional per year, on
average,” the CCA document says.
The
two largest private prison companies in 2010 received nearly $3
billion in revenue. The senior executives, according to the ACLU
report, each received annual compensation packages worth well over $3
million. The for-profit prisons can charge the government up to $200
a day to house an inmate; they pay detention officers as little as
$10 an hour.
“Within
30 miles of this place, there are at least four other facilities
where immigrants are detained: Essex, Monmouth, Delaney Hall and
Hudson, which has the distinction of being named one of the 10 worst
detention facilities in the country,” Phipps, who is an immigration
attorney as well as a minister, told the gathering in front of the
Elizabeth Detention Center. “The terrible secret is that
immigration detention has become a very profitable business for
companies and county governments.”
“More
than two-thirds of immigrants are detained in so-called contract
facilities owned by private companies, such as this one and Delaney
Hall,” she went on. “The rise of the prison industrial complex
has gone hand in hand with the aggrandizing forces of Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, or ICE, which, by the way, has filed suit
against the very government it is supposed to be working for because
they were told to exercise prosecutorial discretion in their
detention practices.” [Click
here
to see more about the lawsuit, in which 10 ICE agents attack the
administration’s easing of government policy on those who illegally
entered the United States as children.]
There
is an immigration court inside the Elizabeth facility, although the
roar of the planes lifting off from the nearby Newark Airport forces
those in the court to remain silent every three or four minutes until
the sound subsides. Most of those brought before the court have no
legal representation and are railroaded through the system and
deported. Detainees, although most have no criminal record beyond
illegal entry into the United States, wear orange jumpsuits and
frequently are handcuffed. They do not have adequate health care.
There are now some 5,000 children in foster care because their
parents have been detained or deported, according to the Applied
Research Center’s
report “Shattered Families.” The report estimates that this
number will rise to 15,000 within five years.
“I
am in family court once every six to eight weeks representing some
mother who is surrendering custody of her child to somebody else
because she does not want to take that child back to the poverty of
Guatemala, Honduras or El Salvador,” Phipps said when we spoke
after the rally. “She has no option. She does not want her child to
live in the same poverty she grew up in. It is heartbreaking.”
We
have abandoned the common good. We have been stripped of our rights
and voice. Corporations write our laws and determine how we structure
our society. We have all become victims. There are no politicians or
institutions, no political parties or courts, that are independent
enough or strong enough to resist the corporate onslaught. Greater
and greater numbers of human beings will be consumed. The poor, the
vulnerable, the undocumented, the weak, the elderly, the sick, the
children will go first. And those of us watching helplessly outside
the gates will go next
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.