US Army Shrinks To Smallest Since 1940 As Chinese Military Recruiting Accelerates
14
May, 2016
The
Army’s latest headcount shows that nearly 2,600 soldiers departed
active service in March without being replaced, an action
that plunges
manning to its lowest level since before World War II, according
to ArmyTimes.com.
This is occurring as The People's Liberation Army (incidentally
the world's largest military force, with a strength of approximately
2,285,000 personnel, or 0.18% of China's
population) has begunaggressively
recruiting,
and rattling its sabre increasingly loudly over US
interference in the South China Sea island dispute and most
recently in Hong Kong.
During
the past year the size of the active force has been reduced by 16,548
soldiers,
the rough equivalent of three brigades.
Endstrength
for March was 479,172 soldiers, which is 154 fewer troopers than were
on active duty when the Army halted the post-Cold War drawdown in
1999 with 479,424 soldiers, the
smallest force since 1940, when the active component numbered 269,023
soldiers.
According
to the Army Times, the
Army is on track to reach its goal of reducing the number of active
duty troops to 475,000 by Sept. 30, the end of fiscal year
2016. Under
a drawdown plan unveiled last July, the number of active-duty
soldiers would be reduced to 460,000 soldiers by the end of fiscal
year 2017 and 450,000 by the end of fiscal year 2018, barring action
by Congress or the Pentagon.
If
those targets are met, the number of soldiers on active duty would be
down 20 percent from 2010,when
there were nearly 570,000 soldiers on active duty.
When
the Army presented its plan last July, military officials said their
hands were tied by reduced funding levels.
"These are not cuts the Army wants to make, these are cuts required by budget environment in which we operate," Gen. Daniel Allyn, vice chief of staff of the Army, said at the time. "This 40,000 soldier cut ... will only get us to the program force, it does not deal with the continued threat of sequestration."
In
addition to those on active duty, the Army has 548,024 soldiers in
reserve, for a total force of 1,027,196 soldiers. Under
the drawdown plan, the total force number would be reduced to 980,000
by the end of fiscal year 2018.
And
this is occurring as China builds its military might with aggressive
recruiting tactics.
As
we previously noted, whilst history
doesn’t repeat it often rhymes.
As Alexander, Rome and Britain fell from their positions of absolute
global dominance, so too has the US begun to slip. America’s
global economic dominance has been declining since 1998,
well before the Global Financial Crisis. A large part of this decline
has actually had little to do with the actions of the US but rather
with the unraveling of a century’s long economic anomaly. China has
begun to return to the position in the global economy it occupied for
millenia before the industrial revolution. Just as the dollar emerged
to global reserve currency status as its economic might grew, so the
chart below suggests the increasing push for de-dollarization across
the 'rest of the isolated world' may be a smart bet...
The
geopolitical consequences of the diminishment of US global dominance
Each
of these events has shown America’s unwillingness to take strong
foreign policy action and certainly underlined its unwillingness to
use force. America’s allies and enemies have looked on and taken
note. America’s geopolitical multiplier has declined even as its
relative economic strength has waned and the US has slipped backwards
towards the rest of the pack of major world powers in terms of
relative geopolitical power.
Throughout
this piece we have looked to see what
we can learn from history in trying to understand changes in the
level of structural geopolitical tension in the world.
We have in general argued that the broad sweep of world history
suggests that the major driver of significant structural change in
global levels of geopolitical tension has been the relative rise and
fall of the world’s leading power. We have also suggested a number
of important caveats to this view – chiefly that a dominant
superpower only provides for structurally lower geopolitical tensions
when it is itself internally stable. We have also sought to
distinguish between a nation being an “economic” superpower
(which we can broadly measure directly) and being a genuine
“geopolitical” superpower (which we can’t). On this subject we
have hypothesised that the level of a nations geopolitical power can
roughly be estimated multiplying its relative economic power by a
“geopolitical multiplier” which reflects that nations ability to
amass and project force, its willingness to intervene in the affairs
of the world and the extent of its “soft power”.
Given
this analysis it strikes us that today we are in the midst of an
extremely rare historical event – the relative decline of a world
superpower. US
global geopolitical dominance is on the wane – driven on the one
hand by the historic rise of China from its disproportionate lows and
on the other to a host of internal US issues, from a crisis of
American confidence in the core of the US economic model to general
war weariness. This is not to say that America’s position in the
global system is on the brink of collapse. Far from it. The US will
remain the greater of just two great powers for the foreseeable
future as its “geopolitical multiplier”, boosted by its deeply
embedded soft power and continuing commitment to the “free world”
order, allows it to outperform its relative economic power. As
America’s current Defence Secretary, Chuck Hagel, said earlier this
year, “We
(the USA) do not engage in the world because we are a great nation.
Rather, we are a great nation because we engage in the world.”
Nevertheless the
US is losing its place as the sole dominant geopolitical superpower
and history suggests that during such shifts geopolitical tensions
structurally increase.
If this analysis is correct then the rise in the past five years, and
most notably in the past year, of global geopolitical tensions may
well prove not temporary but structural to the current world system
and the world may continue to experience more frequent, longer
lasting and more far reaching geopolitical stresses than it has in at
least two decades. If
this is indeed the case then markets might have to price in a higher
degree of geopolitical risk in the years ahead.
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