In
late September, Yemen’s Houthis carried out a large-scale operation
against Saudi-led forces on the border with the southern Saudi
province of Narjan. According to a spokesperson for the Armed Forces
of the Houthi Government, the Houthis fully defeated at least 3
brigades of Saudi-backed forces. The Yemeni force killed 500
personnel, injured 2,000 others, destroyed 15 vehicles and seized a
large number of weapons and military equipment.
Brig.
Gen. Yahya Sari noted that the operation involved a coordinated
effort of ground, missile, and air forces. They conducted at least 21
missile and drone strikes on positions of Saudi-led forces. As a
result of the operation, the Houthis captured 350km2 from Saudi-led
forces.
Brig.
Gen. Sari said that aircraft of the Saudi-led coalition conducted at
least 300 indiscriminate airstrikes in a desperate attempt to stop
the Houthis’ advance. These strikes killed at least 200
coalition-backed personnel, according to the Houthis.
The
Saudi-led coalition and mainstream media are now attempting to
downplay recent military developments. However, videos and photos
from the ground demonstrate that Saudi-led forces in fact suffered a
devastating defeat in the area.
The
Houthi advance on the Yemeni-Saudi border became a second major blow
to Saudi Arabia in September. After almost 5 years of the Saudi
invasion of Yemen, the Kingdom found itself in a no win situation.
At
the same time, the Saudi-led coalition itself is steadily crumbling
because of internal contradictions. The port city of Aden remains in
the center of tensions between Saudi-backed and UAE-backed forces.
Local sources say that the withdrawal of the best detachments of
UAE-backed forces from frontlines in central and northern Yemen may
be one of the reasons behind the success of the Houthi operation in
the border area.
Never
underestimate the power of blowback. Right now, Crown Prince Mohammad
bin Salman (MBS), the de facto ruler of the House of Saud, is staring
at it, an ominous abyss opened by the Houthis in Yemen.
This
past weekend, Yemeni Armed Forces spokesman Brigadier Yahya al-Sari
clinically described how Ansarallah, also known as the Houthi rebel
movement, aided by what Yemenis describe as “popular committees,”
captured three Saudi brigades of 2,400 – ragged – soldiers, plus
Yemeni and Sudanese mercenaries as well as several hundred battle
vehicles. At least 500 Saudi soldiers were killed, Ansarallah said.
(A spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition denied the claim).
This
was part of the significantly named Operation Nasrallah in Najran
province, Saudi Arabia. The Houthis, who did learn a lot, tactically
and strategically, from Hezbollah, duly praised mujahideen and
‘popular committees’ involved in Operation Nasrallah.
Col.
Pat Lang, in his blog, offers a particularly useful observation on
the captured Saudi vehicles. Some belonged to the Saudi National
Guard (SANG): “I suppose these troops were from the modernized SANG
that the US has worked hard to train and equip for fifty years or
more. The easy surrender of these Bedouins is very bad news for the
Saudi monarchy.”
Crown
Prince Mohammad Bin Salman. Photo: Mandel Ngan / AFP
Najran,
the site of the successful raid, is a Shi’ite majority province.
But unlike the Eastern province, concentrating the bulk of the Saudi
oil industry, where the Shi’ites are Twelvers – believers in
twelve divinely ordained leaders, awaiting the reappearance of the
last of those twelve imams as the promised Mahdi – in Najran the
majority are Ismailis. Until recently, they had been relatively
accommodating to the rabidly anti-Shi’ite House of Saud.
Not
anymore. As I reported before, increasingly daring Houthi operations
inside Saudi Arabia can only be successful with solid, on-the-ground
intelligence.
As
for the captured, ragged Saudi soldiers, Mohamed Al-Bukhaiti, who is
part of Ansarallah’s political wing, confirms they are mostly
takfiris – true believers who think they see among their fellow
Muslims legions of apostates, deserving of the death penalty – and
jihadis.
In
Beirut, I spent a long time in detailed conversations with Hassan Ali
Al-Emad, scholar, politician and the son of an influential Yemeni
shaykh dominating 12 tribes. Originally a Zaydi himself, Al-Emad with
the help of other Yemeni sources confirmed that the main actors are
in fact the Houthi movement – and not only the Houthi tribe, which
is only one tribe among many Zaydi tribes in north Yemen. The capital
Sana’a was taken over by the Houthi movement, and not only the
Houthi tribe.
This
is essential to understand the fact that most of north Yemen has by
now adhered to the Houthi movement – which also happens to double
as the government of north Yemen. It’s not far-fetched to project
that the Houthi movement may end up uniting the overwhelming majority
of Yemen against the House of Saud.
What
MBZ is up to
Al-Emad
was keen to point out that among the dizzyingly complex Yemeni tribal
mosaic, the only unifying factor is the fight against a foreign
invader – and in this case serial bomber, responsible since 2015
for provoking the most serious humanitarian crisis in the world
according to the UN. I remarked to Al-Emad that the Yemeni tribal
pattern was much like Afghanistan’s. He visibly enjoyed the
comparison.
Al-Emad
also confirmed that mercenaries fighting in south Yemen are joining
the Houthi movement en masse. That will pose even more challenges for
the so-called “coalition” that’s been bombing Yemen since 2015,
which is now reduced to the House of Saud after the UAE opted for
“talks.”
On
the ground, the situation is actually even murkier. The Houthis –
supported by Iran – may be fighting Riyadh, but they are also
fighting al-Qaeda remnants and a few Daesh jihadis. The House of Saud
creates the illusion they are doing the same. In fact, they do
nothing.
Additionally,
the Houthis are also fighting the Southern Transitional Council,
formed only two years ago. This is a separatist outfit that wants an
independent South Yemen. Yet the STC is most of all a UAE fifth
column, funded and weaponized by Abu Dhabi.
In this undated file photo, Houthi rebels in Sanaa raise their weapons
and shout slogans during a gathering aimed at mobilizing more
fighters before heading to battlefronts. Photo: Hani Al-Ansi/dpa
So
what is Abu Dhabi supremo Mohammed Bin Zayed (MBZ), MBS’s mentor,
really up to in Yemen? Follow the (oil) money. What really matters is
full control of the immensely strategic Bab-el-Mandeb strait
connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. It’s all about oil
trade and connectivity. China, with a base in nearby Djibouti, is
paying enormous attention to what’s happening in Aden and south
Yemen.
Meanwhile,
Yemen’s “government,” led by President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi,
remains an inefficient fiction. Basically the only thing Hadi does is
to support the Southern Transitional Council to fight the Houthis.
Enter
yet another, fascinating oil angle. Hadi is actually moving his
operation to mythical Ma’arib – the fabled capital of Bilqis, the
Queen of Sheba.
Much
like Freud comparing the layers of the unconscious to the layers of
Roman ruins, there are myriad, superimposed Ma’aribs in Yemen’s
extraordinary history. Ma’arib was the original capital of Arabia
Felix, praised by eminent historians such as Strabo and Diodorus
Siculus, a city sending a thousand talents of incense to Babylon
every twelve moons for the feast of Baal or selling ivory, gold and
leopard skins to the caravans of Hatshepsut, the Queen of Egypt.
Ma’arib’s
gaze is fixed on the Rub al-Khali, the Great Desert Void, dreaming of
a new Arabian Empire – certainly not ruled by the shabby, corrupt,
supremely ignorant House of Saud. Enter, again, the UAE angle.
Ma’arib
happens to be the land of origin of Sheikh Zayed, MBZ’s father.
That’s where his tribe departed from. In the 1970s, Sheikh Zayed
was actually financing an army of archeologists and agricultural
engineers involved in the rebirth of Ma’arib. Today, as the hidden
power behind governor Sultan al-Aradah, his son MBZ would like to
control it to perhaps fulfill Daddy’s dream. The problem is, the
Houthis will never let him.
The
desert holds all secrets
Trying
to decode the Yemeni puzzle is like being immersed in a Jorge Luis
Borges labyrinth of mirrors. Actually a pyramid of mirrors. In
Beirut, I had the privilege of sharing countless stories with my
friend Princess Vittoria Alliata from Sicily, the epitome of cool
aristocracy, a renowned Islamologist and the first Italian translator
of Lord of the Rings (Tolkien absolutely loved it).
Vittoria,
who translated our conversations with al-Emad, graciously gave me one
of the few remaining copies of the 1980 first edition by Garzanti of
her spellbinding Harem, a study of women in the Arab world in the
form of travel memories. In it, I found this immaculately Borgesian
passage by Hasan ibn Ahmad al-Hamdani, written way back in 935 AD in
Sana’a:
“In
the sands of the desert is buried an upside-down pyramid; it contains
the truth of the human race. Truth is buried in the desert sands, so
the one who by chance discovers it shall be regarded by men as a
madman with his brains burned by solitude and the sun.”
The
fact that the barbarians of the House of Saud are aiming to destroy
Arabia Felix – the seat of a fabulous, millennia-old desert
civilization and store of knowledge – speaks volumes about our
tawdry times. True Yemenis see right through it.
In
more prosaic terms, after the spectacular, game-changing attack on
Abqaiq, the Houthi movement, via President of Yemen’s Supreme
Political Council Mahdi al-Mashat, offered a ceasefire to MBS. His
entourage only accepted a “partial” stop to the relentless
bombing campaign. So more daring operations, complete with drone
swarms and Quds-1 missiles, are inevitable. As Bukhaiti remarked,
they “will target more vital and critical facilities of Saudis.”
A
taste of what is in store was the fire on Jeddah’s train station –
which is the $7 billion-plus hub of MBS’s 300km high-speed rail
link to Mecca and Medina. The Arab street is consumed by rumors that
the Houthis won’t stop before they reach Mecca.
An
image from a video made available in July 2019 by the Yemeni Shiite
Houthi group’s press office shows ballistic missiles, labeled ‘Made
in Yemen,’ at a recent exhibition of missiles and drones at an
undisclosed location in Yemen. Photo: AFP
As
for the capabilities of the Yemeni Quds-1 cruise missile, here is a
superb technical analysis, which comes with a crucial insight in view
of the UK, German and French claims that Iran is behind the Saudi oil
attacks: “Notably, the Pentagon has not accused Iran of the strike
and is keeping quiet, knowing full well that the Quds cruise missile
came from Houthi territory.”
After
Abqaiq and Operation Nasrallah, to say that MBS is wallowing in a
vicious blowback swamp is an understatement. The relentless bombing
of Yemen for over four years during his term as minister of defense
is his Frankenstein baby.
In
Beirut, I also spent many hours discussing the internal Saudi
quagmire with analysts of the organized opposition, who run the
website The Saudi Reality.
Among
other things, they said that Jamal Khashoggi was killed because the
Saudi consul in Istanbul exaggerated the dose of the shot to paralyze
him. Then he was bone-sawed and the body was burned – so no wonder
it was never found.
The
opposition sees the internal Saudi dynamics as MBS being Trump’s
man in Riyadh – because of the oil angle – while the CIA, like
Khashoggi, would rather deal with a constitutional monarchy and have
its own asset in command.
Total
instability reigns. The only certainty is that the Houthi movement’s
increasingly sophisticated offensive will continue to be deployed
inside Saudi Arabia, unless MBS shelves his vicious war. Otherwise,
he’d better start booking a one-way ticket to London.
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