We
finally know what Hillary Clinton knew all along – US allies Saudi
Arabia and Qatar are funding Isis
There
is a bizarre discontinuity between what the Obama administration knew
about the jihadis and what they would say in public
Patrick
Cockburn
14
October, 2015
It
is fortunate for Saudi Arabia and Qatar that the furore over the
sexual antics of Donald Trump is preventing much attention being
given to the latest batch of leaked emails to and from Hillary
Clinton. Most fascinating of these is what reads like a US State
Department memo, dated 17 August 2014, on the appropriate US response
to the rapid advance of Isis forces, which were then sweeping through
northern Iraq and eastern Syria.
At
the time, the US government was not admitting that Saudi Arabia and
its Sunni allies were supporting Isis and al-Qaeda-type movements.
But in the leaked memo, which says that it draws on “western
intelligence, US intelligence and sources in the region” there is
no ambivalence about who is backing Isis, which at the time of
writing was butchering and raping Yazidi villagers and slaughtering
captured Iraqi and Syrian soldiers.
The
memo says: “We need to use our diplomatic and more traditional
intelligence assets to bring pressure on the governments of Qatar and
Saudi Arabia, which are providing clandestine financial and logistic
support to Isis and other radical groups in the region.” This was
evidently received wisdom in the upper ranks of the US government,
but never openly admitted because to it was held that to antagonise
Saudi Arabia, the Gulf monarchies, Turkey and Pakistan would fatally
undermine US power in the Middle East and South Asia.
For
an extraordinarily long period after 9/11, the US refused to confront
these traditional Sunni allies and thereby ensured that the “War on
Terror” would fail decisively; 15 years later, al-Qaeda in its
different guises is much stronger than it used to be because shadowy
state sponsors, without whom it could not have survived, were given a
free pass.
It
is not as if Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State and the US foreign
policy establishment in general did not know what was happening. An
earlier WikiLeaks release of a State Department cable sent under her
name in December 2009 states that “Saudi Arabia remains a critical
financial support base for al-Qaeda, the Taliban, LeT
[Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan].” But Saudi complicity with these
movements never became a central political issue in the US. Why not?
The
answer is that the US did not think it was in its interests to cut
its traditional Sunni allies loose and put a great deal of resources
into making sure that this did not happen. They brought on side
compliant journalists, academics and politicians willing to give
overt or covert support to Saudi positions.
The
real views of senior officials in the White House and the State
Department were only periodically visible and, even when their
frankness made news, what they said was swiftly forgotten. Earlier
this year, for instance, Jeffrey Goldberg in The Atlantic wrote a
piece based on numerous interviews with Barack Obama in which Obama
“questioned, often harshly, the role that America’s Sunni Arab
allies play in fomenting anti-American terrorism. He is clearly
irritated that foreign policy orthodoxy compels him to treat Saudi
Arabia as an ally”.
It
is worth recalling White House cynicism about how that foreign policy
orthodoxy in Washington was produced and how easily its influence
could be bought. Goldberg reported that “a widely held sentiment
inside the White House is that many of the most prominent
foreign-policy think tanks in Washington are doing the bidding of
their Arab and pro-Israel funders. I’ve heard one administration
official refer to Massachusetts Avenue, the home of many of these
think tanks, as ‘Arab-occupied territory’.”
Despite
this, television and newspaper interview self-declared academic
experts from these same think tanks on Isis, Syria, Iraq, Saudi
Arabia and the Gulf are wilfully ignoring or happily disregarding
their partisan sympathies.
The
Hillary Clinton email of August 2014 takes for granted that Saudi
Arabia and Qatar are funding Isis – but this was not the
journalistic or academic conventional wisdom of the day. Instead,
there was much assertion that the newly declared caliphate was
self-supporting through the sale of oil, taxes and antiquities; it
therefore followed that Isis did not need money from Saudi Arabia and
the Gulf. The same argument could not be made to explain the funding
of Jabhat al-Nusra, which controlled no oilfields, but even in the
case of Isis the belief in its self-sufficiency was always shaky.
Iraqi
and Kurdish leaders said that they did not believe a word of it,
claiming privately that Isis was blackmailing the Gulf states by
threatening violence on their territory unless they paid up. The
Iraqi and Kurdish officials never produced proof of this, but it
seemed unlikely that men as tough and ruthless as the Isis leaders
would have satisfied themselves with taxing truck traffic and
shopkeepers in the extensive but poor lands they ruled and not
extracted far larger sums from fabulously wealthy private and state
donors in the oil producers of the Gulf.
Going
by the latest leaked email, the State Department and US intelligence
clearly had no doubt that Saudi Arabia and Qatar were funding Isis.
But there has always been bizarre discontinuity between what the
Obama administration knew about Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states and
what they would say in public. Occasionally the truth would spill
out, as when Vice-President Joe Biden told students at Harvard in
October 2014 that Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates
“were so determined to take down Assad and essentially have a proxy
Sunni-Shia war. What did they do? They poured hundreds of millions of
dollars and thousands of tons of weapons into anyone who would fight
against Assad. Except that the people who were being supplied were
al-Nusra and al-Qaeda and the extremist elements of jihadis coming
from other parts of the world”. Biden poured scorn on the idea that
there were Syrian “moderates” capable of fighting Isis and Assad
at the same time.
Hillary
Clinton should be very vulnerable over the failings of US foreign
policy during the years she was Secretary of State. But, such is the
crudity of Trump’s demagoguery, she has never had to answer for it.
Republican challenges have focussed on issues – the death of the US
ambassador in Benghazi in 2012 and the final US military withdrawal
from Iraq in 2011 – for which she was not responsible.
A
Hillary Clinton presidency might mean closer amity with Saudi Arabia,
but American attitudes towards the Saudi regime are becoming soured,
as was shown recently when Congress overwhelmingly overturned a
presidential veto of a bill allowing the relatives of 9/11 victims to
sue the Saudi government.
Another
development is weakening Saudi Arabia and its Sunni allies. The
leaked memo speaks of the rival ambitions of Saudi Arabia and Qatar
“to dominate the Sunni world”. But this has not turned out well,
with east Aleppo and Mosul, two great Sunni cities, coming under
attack and likely to fall. Whatever Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and
the others thought they were doing it has not happened and the Sunni
of Syria and Iraq are paying a heavy price. It is this failure which
will shape the future relations of the Sunni states with the new US
administration
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