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Poor polls, scandal, a cussed rival … how it’s all going wrong for Hillary Clinton
She was expected to be the clear frontrunner for the presidency. But after a terrible week, Hillary Clinton is still trading blows with Bernie Sanders as the Donald Trump menace growstheGuardian,
28 May, 2016
The
week that Donald Trump finally sealed the Republican presidential
nomination ought to have been a triumphant one for Hillary Clinton.
With a final few delegates nudging him past the official finishing
line on Thursday, here at last was the candidate that Democrats
always dreamed of running against: unpopular, undisciplined and
ostensibly unelectable in November’s general election.
Yet
in the Alice in Wonderland world of American politics in 2016,
nothing is what it seems. Clinton supporters would instead have to
stomach six impossible things before the week was out.
The
first was the sight of the former secretary of state falling behind
her Republican opponent in an average of national opinion polls.
Though by a wafer-thin – and probably temporary – margin, the
breaching of this symbolic threshold could yet become self-fulfilling
if it normalises the once unthinkable prospect of a Trump-themed
White House.
Then
came a damning report by an independent inspector at the Department
of State, who contradicted her claims that she had been allowed to
use a private email server for official business while serving as the
nation’s chief diplomat. Once again, things were not quite as
simple as they appeared, and Clinton allies argue that the report
also shows other former secretaries of state up to the same tricks.
But only one of them is running for president. With the FBI still
investigating whether she broke federal law, this is an old wound
that could reopen again before the contest is over.
Some
Democrats, such as progressive champion Elizabeth Warren, show signs
of trying to rally around their beleaguered team captain, yet the
ongoing FBI investigation also complicates the ability of the party’s
most influential cheerleader to come to the rescue. At a press
conference in Japan, the normally loquacious Barack Obama flat out
refused to take a question from a journalist asking whether the email
scandal undermined Clinton’s “trustworthiness”.
In
part, the ringing non-endorsement reflects the president’s need for
political as well as legal neutrality. For perhaps the biggest
surprise of the race so far is that it is the Democratic party –
not the Republicans, who were once forced to choose from 17
candidates – that is still officially undecided on its nominee.
Bernie Sanders might be far enough behind in the delegates race for
Clinton to plausibly declare herself the victor already, but he is
putting up a surprisingly spirited fight on the final sprint to the
finishing line.
Another
surprise blow to team Clinton last week was new opinion polling in
California, where the penultimate and largest Democratic primary
takes place on 7 June. It shows Sanders virtually neck and neck among
voters and has forced Clinton to schedule extra appearances to try to
avoid the humiliating prospect of winning the national nomination
race on the same day as she loses the largest state.
To
make matters worse, Sanders responded to Clinton’s decision to pull
out of a scheduled televised debate by taking up a (since also
rescinded) offer to face Donald Trump instead. Though establishment
Democrats fume at the disloyalty of such a stunt, few doubt it would
draw giant audiences. Somewhat less attention was drawn to the final
shock news last week: a federal investigation into campaign
contributions to long-time Clinton confidant and the governor of
Virginia, Terry McAuliffe. With the FBI now investigating both the
candidate and an elected official with perhaps the closest ties to
her family, Trump may yet have more ammunition for his “crooked
Clinton” taunts than even he expected.
Whether
these surprise developments in a week in May add up to lasting
consequences in November is, of course, another matter. Some
strategists in Washington believe that Clinton should simply sit
tight and ride out a storm that will pass quickly.
“The
polls are showing the race effectively tied, but Trump and Clinton
are at very different points in their campaign,” says veteran
political analyst Charlie Cook. “The Republicans have come back in
line faster than a lot of people thought, but Sanders will be out of
her way in a week and a half, and her natural lead will return to
three or four points. In November, it is not going to matter a whit
if he won California. Bernie Sanders is going to be in her rearview
mirror very, very soon.” He argues that scrutiny can only get
harder for Trump, while Clinton may have been through the toughest
phase already. “The worst things that could happen are largely
behind her. If the justice department was going to charge her, it
would probably have done so by now,” adds Cook. “I would rather
be her [than Trump]. There are too many things that have to go right
for him. I don’t think she’s in a terribly challenging place.”
Certainly,
for Trump’s national poll improvements to bear fruit requires some
heroic assumptions about the state-level contests that actually
decide presidential elections.
Not
only would the New York billionaire probably have to transform
previously safe Democratic territory in the rust belt, such as
Pennsylvania and Michigan, as well as the more finely balanced Ohio,
but he would also have to stop Clinton dominating in more diverse
states such as Virginia and Colorado and possibly winning back
Arizona and Georgia from Republicans.
But
other experts, such as Larry Sabato of the Center for Politics at the
University of Virginia, worry that Clinton’s struggle to conclude
the Democratic race could make for a bumpy party convention that will
yet dent her prospects in November.
“How
she handles Sanders is key. If she does it skilfully, it will be
crucial to motivating younger voters, who are very hard to get out to
vote if they are not enthusiastic,” says Sabato. “If he wins
California, it guarantees he will go forward to the convention trying
to turn every last delegate – and it could be very damaging for
her. It is a turning point.”
Just
as importantly, he argues, Clinton needs to go on the offensive and
set her own agenda over the next few weeks. “Some things she can’t
control. She can’t control the FBI. She started that ball rolling
and will have to live with the consequences,” adds Sabato. “She
has to demonstrate how she is going to attack Trump. They are all
over the map at the moment because there is an embarrassment of
riches, but there is devilry in that, in a way.” Right now, most
pundits agree that it all makes for a noisy political environment in
which it is hard to judge who is really winning on a day-to-day
basis.
Kathleen
Hall Jamieson, professor of communications at the Annenberg Public
Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania, believes the best
approach is for Clinton to try to define her own news agenda rather
than respond to that of her critics.
“The
news environment matters. The email news could have been much worse
if it had fallen in a quieter week. She benefited last week from the
fact that there has been a cluttered news environment,” she says.
But
Jamieson, who founded FactCheck.org to help hold politicians to
account, is scathing of the tactics adopted by team Clinton over the
emails, which she believes distorts the degree to which the rules
have changed since previous secretaries of state were in office.
“[Clinton] is making the best she can of it, but she is doing it by
misrepresenting the facts. It would be smarter not to offer
misleading inferences,” she says.
Beyond
all else, this suggests it is the FBI, rather than Sanders or Trump,
that could really spoil the party. “California is not likely to
come back to haunt her,” concludes Jamieson. “The damaging thing
is the report by the state department and how it fits in the ongoing
narrative. This speaks to a central part of her campaign, her
experience, and calls into question her judgment. The question now is
what is the next shoe to drop.”
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