Reluctant,and
partial recognition of reality by mainstream media
Re
– the “success”of the iron dome - “The
Palestinians fired more than 800 rockets in four days, of which 250
were shot down by Iron Dome, including for the first time one in Tel
Aviv.”
Read it again. Mere 250 out of 800! 69 percent misses!
Read it again. Mere 250 out of 800! 69 percent misses!
Analysis:
New Mideast balance constrains Israel Gaza action
A
new balance of power in the Middle East will limit Israel's ability
to impose its ceasefire terms on Hamas in Gaza, but technology is
compensating by curbing the Islamist militants' capacity to cause
casualties in the Jewish state.
19
November, 2012
The
strategic environment has changed radically since the last major
armed conflict between Israel and Hamas in the winter of 2008-09,
which involved an Israeli ground invasion of the Gaza Strip and ended
with 1,400 Palestinian and 13 Israeli dead.
Arab
Spring uprisings have brought the Muslim Brotherhood - soulmates of
Hamas - to power in Egypt, Israel's southern neighbor which controls
the Gaza enclave's only other border, and in Tunisia, toppling
veteran Western-backed autocrats.
"Hamas
has concluded that the Arab Spring gives it a number of advantages
and opportunities, and it is trying to capitalize on that to change
the rules of the game with Israel, and to change the relationship
with Egypt," said Yezid Sayigh, a senior research associate at
the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut.
The
changed regional balance makes an Israeli ground assault on Gaza less
likely this time, and may enable Hamas to force an easing of Israel's
economic blockade of the Gaza Strip, provided it does not overplay
its hand, the Palestinian scholar said.
In
other strategic shifts, Turkey, a major regional power, has turned
vociferously hostile to the Jewish state and lent political support
to Hamas, although Israel retains discreet relations with Ankara and
its security establishment.
And
the United States, under President Barack Obama, has embraced the
Arab Spring movements and taken a less interventionist role in the
Middle East, leaving regional powers largely to manage their own
conflicts.
"The
regional context is much different from what it was three or four
years ago," said Oded Eran, a former top Israeli diplomat who is
now a senior research associate at the Israel Institute for National
Security Studies.
"That
imposes big strains on Israel's maneuverability, both militarily and
diplomatically."
EMBOLDENED
Hamas
may have felt emboldened to scale up the latest round of fighting by
allowing the firing of dozens of rockets into Israel the day after a
landmark visit on October 23 by the emir of Qatar that cracked Gaza's
diplomatic isolation and delighted the Islamist movement, which has
run the coastal strip since 2007.
That
was followed in turn by Israel's assassination of top Hamas military
commander Ahmed al-Jaabari in a targeted air strike on November 14,
prompting further escalation on either side.
Sayigh
said Jaabari had just returned from reviewing a draft ceasefire
agreement drawn up by Egyptian military intelligence officers
mediating with Israel.
He
questioned whether Hamas had intentionally set out to generate
hostilities on this scale and said an Israeli general election set
for January 24 may have influenced Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu's decision to strike now.
Hamas
has longer-range rockets than it had in 2008, some supplied by Iran
and smuggled into Gaza via tunnels from Egypt. A handful have been
fired at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, the politically sensitive main
Israeli population centers.
But
Israel's new Iron Dome anti-missile system has intercepted dozens of
rockets, while many others have been destroyed before being fired,
landed harmlessly or caused minimal damage. The only three Israeli
dead in the latest round of fighting were killed by a shorter-range
strike on Kiryat Malachi, a southern town, 20 km (12 miles) from the
Gaza border.
Without
Iron Dome, the rocket fire at Israeli cities could well have caused
enough casualties to stir overwhelming public pressure for a ground
invasion into Gaza.
Nevertheless,
the Islamist movement can boast that it has struck deep inside Israel
and forced residents of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and the southern city of
Beersheva into the air-raid shelters, demonstrating its power to
disrupt normal life.
SHOW
OF FORCE
This
show of force came at a time when the Palestinian Authority led by
Mahmoud Abbas's secular Fatah movement, Hamas's bitter rival which
runs the West Bank, is pressing a diplomatic campaign to gain an
improved status at the United Nations.
"My
assumption is that one reason why Hamas did all this was to pre-empt
a victory at the United Nations next week for Abu Mazen," Eran
said, using Abbas's informal name. "Hamas wanted a victory with
blood that is better than a white-collar, paper victory."
How
the latest round of armed conflict ends will depend crucially on the
role chosen by Egyptian President Mohammed Mursi.
Mursi
has already departed from his ousted predecessor Hosni Mubarak's
stance by sending his prime minister to demonstrate support for Hamas
in Gaza last Friday. He has also stated publicly that an Israeli
ground offensive would be unacceptable.
But,
Eran said, despite his critical statements and the symbolic recall of
Egypt's ambassador from Israel, Mursi has been careful not to call
into question their 1979 peace treaty nor to jeopardize the U.S. and
IMF economic assistance on which Cairo is now more reliant than ever.
The
key to a ceasefire agreement would be how far Egypt was prepared to
limit arms supplies to Hamas in future and whether it would allow
multinational observers in Sinai to verify that, the former Israeli
diplomat said.
Sayigh
said Mursi had other options to support Hamas if the conflict
endured, such as encouraging Egyptian citizens to raise funds and
take relief supplies into Gaza in a show of support, opening Egypt's
border more generously to Palestinians and applying more public
pressure on Israel and the United States.
"This
Gaza conflict shows that the political balance may be more important
from now on than the military balance," he said.
Obama,
who has so far backed what he calls Israel's right to defend itself
against rocket fire, made clear on Sunday he wants his ally to avoid
a land invasion that would, judging by last time, rapidly sap Western
public sympathy for the Jewish state.
Netanyahu,
too, would seem to have an interest in keeping this year's Gaza
operation limited, with as few Israeli casualties as possible, two
months before an election that polls show he is strongly placed to
win.
Hamas
knows that too, and radicals in its ranks or in other Islamist groups
may try to goad the Israelis into an incursion.
As
always in the Middle East, a single strike that caused heavy civilian
casualties could upend cool calculations and force a sudden
escalation, or an early end to the fighting, before one side or the
other has achieved its objectives.
Yet
despite the changed strategic environment, the most likely outcome
seems similar to the way Israel's limited wars in Lebanon and Gaza
have ended in the last decade - a ceasefire that buys at most a few
years and at least a few months' calm, with both sides expecting
another round eventually.

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